World's Work Vol. 46, no. 4

World's Work Vol. 46, no. 4

1923-08-01

Text

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Arthur W. Page, editor

The World’s Work
ARTHUR W. PAGE, EpiTor
FRENCH STROTHER, Manacine EpitTor BURTON J. HENDRICK, Associate EpItor : CONTENTS FOR AUGUST, 1923 Walter Hines Page - - = =e = = = =e ee ee ee ee «Frontispiece THE MARCH OF EVENTS—Awn EpiToriAL INTERPRETATION - - - - - = = 335 Horace J. Donnelly Rear-Admiral Mark H. Bristol William Fellowes Morgan Russell C. Leffingwell General Henri Joseph Eugene Gouraud METHODS OF THE MODERN BUCKET SHOPS - - = = = = = = = = 361
How Necessity Has Changed the Methods of the Bucketeers
THE KU KLUX KLAN IN THE MIDDLE WEST (Jllustrated) Ropert L. DuFFus 363 The Growth of the Invisible Empire Above the Mason-Dixon Line
WHAT I AM TRYING TO DO (Illustrated) - - - - - - Martin JOHNSON 373 Why Now Is the Time to Photograph Africa MAKING CROOKED PROMOTION UNPROFITABLE - - - - Harry S. New 384
What the Post Office Department is Doing with the Oil Promoters THE HUMOROUS SIDE OF ARCTIC EXPLORATION (Jilustrated) Amusing Incidents of the Frozen North Donatp MacMILLAn 389
VIVISECTION AND ANIMAL WELFARE (Jilustrated) - ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES 397 Is Vivisection Useful or Criminal?
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF STANLEY BALDWIN. --- - - MARK SULLIVAN 403 Why Britain’s New Premier is Who He is
LA FOLLETTE, SHIPSTEAD, AND THE EMBATTLED FARMERS (Jilustrated) Politics in Minnesota and Wisconsin CHESTER H. RowELL 408
AN ENGLISHMAN’S ADVENTURES IN THE UNITED STATES Puitip Gisss 421
American Audiences, Pullman Cars, and Adventures
GRAIN MARKETING UNDER GOVERNMENT RULE (J/lustrated) What the New Law Concerning Grain Marketing Means EDWARD JEROME DIES 425
A PIG HUNT IN THE SULU ISLANDS (J/lustrated) Lt.-Co_. SypNEY A. CLOMAN 430 A Heroic Story of Americans in the Philippines
VENTILATION FOR HEALTH AND COMFORT (Jilustrated) FLoyp W. Parsons 436 The Need for and Methods of Maintaining Good Air in Offices and Homes
THE RED LETTER BOOK GUIDE - Near the beginning of the front advertising section Reviews of and Remarks About New Books
THE WORLD’S WORKSHOP - - - Near the end of the front advertising section Some Glimpses Behind the Scenes in the Editor’s Office SUN-DIAL GOSSIP - - - - = =- Near the end of the front advertising section
Chats About the New Books Published at Country Life Press
Copyright, 1923, in the United States, Newfoundland, Great Britain, and other countries by Doubleday, Page & Co. All rights reserved. TERMS: $4.00 a year; single copies 35 cents; Canadian postage 60 cents extra; foreign, $1.00.
F. N. DouBLepay, Pres. ARTHUR W. PAGE, Vice-Pres. NELSON DOUBLEDAY, Vice Pres. RUSSELL DOUBLEDAY, Sec’y. . A. EVERITT, Treas. JOHN J. HESSIAN, Asst. Treas.
) DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY ®) J’ COuNtTRY LIFE EDUCATIONAL REVIEW THE GARDEN MAGAZINE Rapio Broapcast ‘et SHORT STORIES CHICAGO: People’s Gas Bldg. GARDEN CITY, N. Y. NEW YORK: 120 W. 32nd Street BOSTON: Tremont Bldg. LOS ANGELES: Van Nuys Bldg.

WALTER H. PAGE
To whom a memorial tablet was unveiled on July 3d, in Westminster Abbey. It reads: “To the glor\ of God and in memory of Walter Hines Page, 1855-1918, Ambassador of the United States of America to the Céurt of St. James’s, 1913-1918. The friend of Britain in her sorest need”’



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THE
WORLD'S WORK
AUGUST, 1923
VoLuME XLVI

NuMBER 4
THE MARCH OF EVENTS
HE announcement that the na-
tional budget this year shows a sur-
plus of $200,000,000, instead of an
anticipated deficit of $800,000,000,
is more than an achievement in Federal finance. Its chief popular interest, indeed, is the light which it sheds upon condi- tions in the United States. Any one who is seeking grounds for optimism on the happy state of his own country, five years after the close of the war, can find it in the usually un- imaginative statistics of the Treasury De- partment. For these figures merely reflect general economic conditions. One cause that has chiefly swelled the total is the increase in income tax payments, which is one of the most certain indications of prosperity.
The fact of the matter is that the United States at present is about the soundest coun- try in the world, economically, politically, and socially. Its strength on the material side needs no demonstration; the fact stands out in the most glaring fashion; but in the other elements that constitute a great nation— political and social security—our situation likewise compares favorably with any other part of the world. About seventy-five years ago, in a letter to an American correspondent, Macaulay pictured the lamentable fate that must inevitably overcome any nation founded upon the principles of Jefferson. He foresaw the time when the pressure of poverty would cause a state of disorder for which no parallel could be found in history. Then the Huns, Macaulay declared, would arise and over-
whelm the United States, as they had de- stroyed Rome, the only difference being that the Huns who wrecked the ancient world came from without, while the Huns who were des- tined to destroy America would come from within. A nation founded upon universal suf- frage and representative institutions, and lacking the steadying influence of a privileged aristocracy, could logically have no other end.
It is unfortunate that Macaulay could not be alive to-day. He gave the United States less than two hundred years of life. The fact now is that the American Government is almost the one solidly entrenched political organi- zation in the world. No one can predict how long the governments of the European con- tinent will endure. The destructive politi- cal movements that have almost brought Europe to ruination and the ultimate influence of which no one can foresee, have made very little effective headway in this country. Bolshevism is limited to a few alien elements and even Socialism polls very few votes and has few representatives in public life. The few manifestations of “ radicalism”’ in the West are merely temporary eruptions with temporary and fleeting causes; such enter- prises have been features of American politics for a hundred years.
There is no occasion for undue complacency as we survey the American scene. There is, however, plenty of ground for a sane optimism. The country was never in a sounder condition and never better equipped to play a useful part in the world.

HORACE J. DONNELLY For several months past. Acting Solicitor Donnelly of the Post Office Department has been busy with fraud order hearings in Washington, and as a result many fraud orders have been issued against the Texas oil stock promoters to stop them from getting more money from credulous people by their frau dulent methods

© Brown Bros.
WILLIAM FELLOWES MORGAN
Head of the fund of $150,000 established by John D. Rockefeller, Jr., for the new insulin treatment of diabetes. The monev is to be given to several American and Canadian hospitals

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REAR-ADMIRAL MARK L. BRISTOL Who serves in the Near East in the dual capacity of commander of the American naval forces and American High Commissioner to Turkey. Admiral Bristol is one of the most influential forces in g to some semblance of order the distracted peoples of the East
x holdin

© Harris & Ewing
RUSSELL C. LEFFINGWELL Former Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, who has recently become a partner in J. P. Morgan& Company

: ill GENERAL HENRI JOSEPH EUGENE GOURAUD Former Commander of the Fourth French Army, who commanded the Rainbow Division when it first took the offensive against the Germans in the Champagne Sector, and under whom the Americans gained their victory at Chateau Thierry. General Gouraud came to America to attend the reunion of the 42nd Division at Indianapolis in July



first ined yond

The March of Events 341
The Crisis in the Harding Administration
HE President’s summer trip marks the
crisis in his political fortunes. It forms
the real test of his character as a party leader and as a statesman. It serves the purpose of emphasizing the issues between the White House and the disintegrating elements in the Republican party. These issues have been reaching a critical stage for many months. The great dividing question is whether this country is to assume a position of isolation in world affairs, or whether it is to play some part, even though a very modest one, in the great work of readjusting the shat- tered fragments of civilization.
That the assertion of any interest in Europe means something in the nature of a split in the Republican organization is now perfectly plain. In fact that dislocation has already taken place. The open breach that followed Mr. Harding’s pronouncement in favor of the World Court was only the out- ward manifestation of antagonisms that had been lying latent for a considerable time. To what extent this opposition is genuine—is based, that is, upon a reasoned opposition to American participation in European affairs— and to what extent it merely offers an op- portunity for political manoeuvrings and political ambitions, is a point upon which the commentators are divided. To the Interna- tional Court itself, there is, and can be, no sane objection; nothing less harmful could be devised. The International Court now oc- cupies the centre of the stage merely as a symbol. It forms a rallying point for the several elements in our population which, for differing reasons, oppose American participa- tion in world affairs. The Irish-Americans dislike the court because it means making the United States an associate of Great Britain. The German-Americans dislike it because it brings this country once more into alignment with its allies in the Great War. The war enthusiasts oppose it because it looks to arbi- tration, instead of gunpowder, as a means of settling international disputes; the pacifists denounce it because it does not mean the absolute prohibition of war. Certain cham- pions of the League of Nations scorn the court because it falls so far short of their chosen goal, while enemies of the League fear it because it looks like the camel’s head in the tent. Behind these several groups are the
public men—the Johnsons, the Borahs, the LaFollettes, the McCormicks—who are able to give the opposition voice and who have practically served notice upon the Administra- tion that a continuance of its policy means a split in the Republican party. THe situation is reduced to an absurdity when the responsi- ble administration, led by Mr. Harding, Mr. Hughes, and Mr. Hoover, boldly commit the party to one policy, and the party organiza- tion, led by Chairman John T. Adams, is just as boldly advocating precisely the op- posite. The spectacle of the President, tour- ing the country in the interest of the World Court, and that of the national chairman, opposed to the same institution, is without parallel in our political annals.
The Impending Republican Split
UCH a situation is of course intolerable. S It has served one great public purpose, however, in that it has clearly drawn the issue. It has divided the party, so far as its leaders are concerned, into two camps. It has presented the prospect of a vigorous party fight to one of the most peaceful and conciliatory gentlemen who has ever occupied the White House. The result of party schisms in the past is not likely to encourage so loyal and sincere a party man as Mr. Harding. Grover Cleveland’s struggle with his own party in 1892-096 delivered the party organization to Bryan and the control of the Government, in all its branches, to the Repub- licans. The Roosevelt split in 1912 resulted in eight years of Woodrow Wilson. Would a Republican division at the present time have such consequences? Mr. Harding is too good a party man not to give this matter earnest consideration; moreover it is entirely proper that he should, for a party split can have great public consequences, for good or ill. American government is party government; it is the prime duty of a President, as party leader, to hold his party intact; only great issues that deeply affect the public welfare justify the President in persisting in courses that mean its disruption. Grover Cleveland was the fighter for a great principle, a principle that rose superior to partisan consideration. It was more im-
portant, he believed, that the currency should not be debased, that the Government stamp on a dollar should mean a hundred cent, in-
ons eT oe
2 su


342
stead of a fifty cent dollar, than that the Democrats should retain their hold on the offices. He split his party on that issue and history has justified him. The merits of the Roosevelt-Taft quarrel of 1912 are not so clearly defined. Had Mr. Roosevelt foreseen what its public consequences were to be—a foreign policy with which he vigorously dis- agreed—he probably would not have caused the disruption of that year.
What is the issue that has precipitated this situation in Republican councils? If the In- ternational Court is taken as a symbol, as merely the first step whose ultimate goal is American membership in the League: of Na- tions, then the point involved is certainly one of transcendant importance. This is the con- tention and the excuse of those who are most vigorous in their opposition. Mr. Harding, however, disclaims any such purpose. He has placed himself squarely in opposition to
© Harris & Ewing JOHN T. ADAMS Chairman of the Republican National Committee, who
President In other words, the extra-
has loudly announced his opposition to Harding’s foreign policy.
ordinary situation has arisen in which the responsible
administration boldly commits the party to one policy
and the party organization just as boldly advocates precisely the opposite


The World’s Work
membership in the League. On that point his language could not be more emphatic. “The new Administration doesn’t propose to enter now, by the side door, the back door, or the cellar door. The Senate has so declared, the executive has so declared, the people have so declared. Noth- ing could be more decisively stamped with finality.” In his recent speaking trip he has repeated this disclaimer in even more em- phatic form.
International Court American in Origin
HAT then, is this International
Court, of which so much is heard,
but of which, judging from the horrid shape it assumes in the public mind, so little is apparently known? A little history is necessary to make the whole thing clear. The idea, after figuring for many years, even centuries, in discussion, first appeared in definite outline at the Hague Conference of 1899. Then it was first and foremost an American policy. The instructions to the American delegates enjoined them to work for a permanent Court of Arbitration. This was to be a tribunal, constantly sitting, composed of leading jurists, ready at any time to hear and decide disputes between nations—disputes always of a legal kind. There was certainly nothing un-American about such a proposal. No one suggested at the time that its effect would be to embroil the United States in European difficulties or to impose a “super-government”’ upon this country. The plan, had it been adopted, would merely have carried into practice an idea with which the United States had for a century been identified—the settlement of international disputes by arbitration rather than by war. Out of the Hague discussions of 1899 came the Permanent Court of Arbi- tration; this institution had only two de- fects; it was not permanent and it was not a court.
It was merely a panel of judges, out of which any Power could select a group to settle any pending disagreement. As a court this body has never sat; several nations, however, conspicuously the United States, have at times formed tribunals from the nominated judges. The second Hague Con- ference, that of 1907, witnessed another at- tempt to set up a permanent court, and, just





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The March of Events 343

A MEETING AT THE HAGUE
Out of the Hague discussions of 1899 came the unsuccessful Permanent Court of Arbitration. The second Hague Conference, that of 1907, witnessed another attempt to set up a permanent court. In both these efforts the United States was a leader
as before, the leader in this effort was the United States. The plan failed, not because there was any particular hostility to the idea, but because no fair method of selecting judges could be devised. The only plan suggested for choosing these judges was an election held by the Powers represented in the Conference, not far from fifty. The trouble arose over the insistence of the small nations that they should have precisely the same voting power as the large ones. Ecuador, Uruguay, and all the other small Powers asserted the right to cast one vote, just like Great Britain, France, or the United States. The result would have been that the small South Ameri- can nations could have elected the court, and that the great Powers would have been forced to place their disputes before a tribunal which they had had practically no voice in selecting. Naturally they refused, and, as the smaller Powers were obdurate, no international court was formed. The Hague Conference of 1907, therefore, limited its action to a recommen- dation that the Permanent Court be formed as soon as some equitable plan of electing judges could be discovered. Up to the time of the outbreak of the Great War, the Powers were diligently seeking to find some way out of this dilemma, for the International Court represented a great goal which they were determined to make a realization.
Ihe League Solves the Problem
R. ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of State under Roosevelt, was the most active worker for this court in 1907; it is
therefore fitting that he should have been an important agent in creating the court which has now become a campaign issue. The pro- blem that baffled Mr. Root and others in 1907 was readily solved in 1920. The reason is that a new agency had come into existence. This was the League of Nations. In this body the signatory nations are represented in two ways —in the Council, a small body, and in the Assembly, a more comprehensive one. Mr. Root, who was a representative at the gather- ing called by the League in 1920 to organize the Permanent Court, pointed out that these two bodies formed an ideal electoral college for the selection of judges. The larger na- tions controlled the Council; the small nations controlled the Assembly; each one could therefore act as a check upon the other; a simple provision making it necessary that each judge should obtain a majority in both bodies would give assurance that he was the choice of each. -The suggestion was at once adopted. If the League of Nations had per- formed no other public service, this in itself would have been a distinct contribution to the cause of peace. It showed emphatically
ppt rk on




344
that the world at last possessed the mechanism for resolving knotty international problems, for it instantly settled a point, and settled it equitably, that had been puzzling the minds of jurists for nearly twenty years. This does not mean, however, that the League and the
Court are members of the same body. The fact is that they are entirely distinct. The International Court sits at the Hague,
whereas the League sits at Geneva; it deliber- ates in entire independence of the League. The President and the Senate jointly appoint the justices of our Supreme Court; the justices so appointed, however, are absolutely inde- pendent of the powers that have created them. The separation of the Hague Court and the League of Nations is just as complete.
Organization of the Court
HE court so established consists of fif- teen judges, eleven “ordinary’’ judges, and four deputy judges, the latter serving only in case one or more of the former are unable to appear. The ordinary judges give all their time to the court, receiving a salary of 15,000 florins a year, something
© Paul Thompson JOHN BASSETT MOORE The American jurist who occupies a seat as a member of the International Court

The World’s Work
more than $6,000. They are required to hold at least one session a year, beginning in June, and continuing until all cases on the calendar are disposed of. Extra sessions can be called in case of pressing necessity. These judges have their headquarters at the peace palace at the Hague; while sitting, they wear a simple gown much like that of the American Supreme Court; in a sense they perform for the world a function not unlike that of our Supreme Court in settling disputes among the forty- eight states. Their jurisdiction, however, is limited. It covers that class of international differences which are known as “ justiciable’’: such are those involving the interpretation of a treaty; any question of international law; the existence of any fact, which, if established, would constitute a breach of international obligation; and the nature of the reparation to be made for such breach of an international obligation.
None of these classifications, it will be observed, concern that type of international disputes which have been excluded as un- fitted for arbitration—those affecting na- tional honor or national interest. They are precisely the kind of disagreements which this country has always taken the lead in submitting to impartial tribunals. But the signatory Powers, by becoming members of this court, do not pledge themselves to submit even disputes of this kind to its ad- judication. Should the United States join, it would not commit itself to a single arbitra- tion. The organization specifically provides that our action, in each and every case, is entirely voluntary. Each party to a dispute decides, in each case, whether it will refer its differences to the court. It is true that each nation, on becoming a member, can sign a separate protocol pledging always to use the court in such disputes as those enumerated above; only fifteen of the forty-six signatories, however, have adopted this protocol, none of them being the large Powers; the administra- tion has definitely informed the Senate that it has no intention of accepting this stipulation. In other words the procedure, in submit- ting a case, is precisely the same as that provided in the several arbitration trea- ties to which this country is a party; the Senate, in each case, votes whether that case is to be submitted. Under the Inter- national Court, the Senate retains the same power.






The March Ex-Senator Beveridge’s Error
X-SENATOR BEVERIDGE recently declaimed against the International Court on the ground that, had such
a court been in existence in 17706, the American Colonies would have lost their case against Great Britain and thus never have gained their independence. The fore- going explanation must have demonstrated the absurdity of this idea. The American Colonies in the first place would never have been a party to the court, as it is a tri- bunal of independent and equal sovereign- ties, and the American Colonies, in 1776, did not constitute a nation. Secondly, the court concerns itself only with legal questions of the kind enumerated, not those affecting the national safety and honor, and certainly any dispute affecting national independence belongs emphatically in the latter class. Thirdly, no signatory obliges itself to submit even the quarrels that fall within this re- stricted class, for its agreement to do so—en- tirely optional—must be obtained in each case. The absurdity of denouncing this kind of an organization as a “‘super-government”’ thus becomes at once apparent. This recital of its provisions rather gives point to those critics who object to the International Court be- cause its scope seems to be so limited. It is not a “court with teeth’’; it does not outlaw war. Though this objection has more force than that of the enemy who detects in it a plot to “entangle” the Nation in European af- fairs, the fact remains that the court, cir- cumscribed as it is, constitutes a great addi- tion to the world’s resources for safeguarding peace. It provides a permanent tribunal al- ways at hand to settle such disputes as the nations decide to submit. The mere exis- tence of those fifteen silk-robed justices is a constant protest against war. These men, sitting year after year, will acquire an exten- sive knowledge of international differences, and the method of accommodating them, which the temporary arbitration commissions, which are occasionally set up, can never obtain. The court will accumulate a mass of evidence, precedents and law which in time will exercise almost a determining influence in regulating the affairs of nations. Like every other human institution, the International Court must justify itself by its works. If its in- fluence is pernicious, if it promotes injustice
of Events 345
rather than justice, if it palpably strengthens certain nations at the expense of others, then mankind will turn on it in wrath and destroy it. Any signatory nation can withdraw at a moment’s notice. If, on the other hand, its effect is seen to be beneficent, if it promotes friendship and righteousness among nations, if it advances peace and discourages war, then its prestige and its power will increase. In that event it is not impossible that the nations will enlarge its responsibilities.
This court is now in complete operation. Forty-six nations have accepted it. The fact that one of the eleven “ordinary judges” is a distinguished American jurist, Mr. John Bassett Moore, despite the fact that the United States is not a party, indicates the broad minded and humanitarian lines on which it is formed. Did these judges repre- sent nations an American naturally could not sit among them. But it is the central idea of the International Court that it does not rep- resent nations; it represents the world. A particular nation does not have even to be a member in order to use its services. The United States can submit its international differences even though the Senate declines to ratify our proposed membership.
It is therefore apparent that this Interna- tional Court provides no respectable ground for a “split” in the Republican party. This court is not an outgrowth of the League of Nations; it is a direct outgrowth of the Hague Conference of 1899; its responsible parent was the Republican Administration which was in power at that time. For nearly twenty-five years it has been the policy of the Republican party. Republican platforms for that period have endorsed it, and Republican Presidents have worked for it. President Harding, in advocating the court now, is therefore preach- ing sound Republican doctrine. A group of Republicans who wish to “split” their party and discredit their President on this issue, therefore assume a_ heavy responsibility. They might as well disrupt the party because it at present stands for a protective tariff.
A Practical, Not a Political, Cure for Agricultural Troubles
R. BERNARD BARUCH’S proposal for improving the condition of the farmer is the most practical contribu- tion that has yet been made toward the solu-
ee a
Meee ase d cane ae




346
tion of perhaps the greatest problem now disturbing American life. The condition of the agricultural regions, indeed, is about ‘the only black spot on the present economic situa- tion. Prosperity is almost universal. Wages are everywhere abnormally high. The only parts of the country that are not participating in these good times are those exclusively given up to agriculture. The prosperity of other sections produces hard times on the farms, for it causes high prices for practically everything the farmer consumes, at the very time that the prices for what he produces are going down. Anything which can help to correct this situation is worthy of the most serious attention, and any citizen with a plan that promises relief should at least enjoy the reward of having his proposals tested on their merits.
The main difficulty is the decreasing prices of farm products. All solutions have taken the shape of plans for co6perative marketing. Politicians and unscrupulous journalists may give the farmer many explanations for his plight, in which the railroads and Wall Street and the Grain Exchanges come in for the chief blame, but the economists know that the main trouble is that the farmer produces more than the market can consume. At the present time he is selling far more than in any pre-war year; the great war demand caused a tremendous increase in the products of Amer- ican farms; this increased demand is rapidly coming down to normal, and the farmer therefore has great stores for which there is no market. This is the main difficulty in the agricultural regions. Any attempt to better it must lie in the direction of increasing the market. Most authorities believe that an effective system of codperative marketing would aid this process, and Mr. Baruch’s proposal seeks to accomplish this. He pro- poses that the wheat farmers use a sales organization of an extremely practical and experienced type; the very one, indeed, which they have not regarded for years with a particularly friendly eye; none other than the Armour Grain Company, of Chicago. What- ever may be urged against this organization, it at least possesses one qualification; it knows how to buy and sell the output of the farm.
It has been doing this very thing with great success for many years. Its head, Mr.
George G. Marcy, is perhaps the most expert Its force of sales-
grain man in the country.
_ usually proved to be mere nostrums.

The World’s Work
men have developed an exceptional technique and know the business as no extemporized group of farmers can know it for years. If thirty-five per cent. of the wheat acreage can be induced to join in gaining possession of the Armour Company and employ its experts for the purpose of selling its crops, Mr. Baruch believes that the result will be higher prices and new prosperity in the agricultural states. Objections in plenty will probably be raised against this, and not improbably the good faith of those associated will be questioned. Such an attitude is inevitable, even though it is not intelligent. Fortunately Mr. Baruch, who sponsors this plan, enjoys the confidence of the agricultural regions, and that fact in itself will prove a strong recommendation. The greatest danger of the present situation is political. In the past, the difficulties of the farmers have furnished opportunities to demagogues who have used them as stepping stones to political power, and whose cures have Mr. Baruch’s proposal—to which he is by no means wedded, for he stands ready to accept any better plan for marketing that may win the confidence of the farmers—has at least the advantage of being practical and not political in its nature. It aims, not to change the form of our government or to extend its func- tions into fields where it does not belong, but to help the wheat farmer to obtain good prices for his crops.
Forcing Prohibition in Foreign Countries
of prohibition has become entangled with
an issue which, in reality, has no connec- tion with it, that of alcoholic drinks on foreign ships. The Supreme Court has decided that American sovereignty completely covers the three miles of water that surrounds American soil; that the laws of Congress are as com- pletely enforceable in these waters as on Amer- ican dry land; consequently that foreign ships must obey the Volstead Act, which means that they cannot bring within these waters alcoholic drinks for beverage purposes, even though they are kept under seal. As to the legal accuracy of this ruling there seems to be no question. It is good law, and foreign steamship lines must obey it, until Congress sees fit, if it ever does, so to amend the Vol- stead Act that these foreign ships may be
|’ IS unfortunate that the general subject






relieved of what is, after all, a great in- justice.
The decision, as already said, raises an issue apart from prohibition; the reason is that prohibition is an American system. The United States, after mature consideration, has decided to prohibit alcoholic drinks on its own territory. That is the business of the United States, with which other countries properly have no quarrel. But no other country has adopted this system. In particu- lar Great Britain, France, and Italy have not done so. Their decision on this point is ex- clusively their own business, with which the United States has no concern. Any attempt we might make to force these friendly nations to adopt prohibition would be an outrageous act, and would have serious consequences. The most enthusiastic advocate of prohibition would not suggest such an interference in their domestic affairs. Unfortunately this is pre- cisely what the Volstead Act does indirectly. The foreign ships have a legal right to dis- pense drinkables from their own shore to the American three mile limit. The recent ruling makes no attempt to interfere with that right. But these same ships also have the legal right to dispense drinkables on the eastern voyage, from the American three mile limit to their home port. The recent decision prevents them from exercising this right. It forces the American prohibitory law into territory in which American jurisdiction does not prevail. Practically the Volstead Act, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, extends itself over foreign territory. Legal as this is, it is an unwarranted violation of that comity that should prevail among all nations. If the British Parliament should pass a law obliging American ships to sell alcoholic beverages within the British three mile limit it would have the legal right to do so, but such a law would be resented, and properly resented, in this country.
The one solution is a change in the Volstead Act permitting foreign ships to seal their wet cargo when entering the three mile limit, with the stipulation that it shall not be unsealed until the vessels have passed the same limit on the eastern voyage. This would insure the per- fect enforcement of the Prohibition Amend- ment in American territory. It would leave the question of European prohibition where it naturally belongs—at the discretion of those countries themselves.

The March of Events 347
The Law-Defying Trust in the Coal Industry?
T WOULD be the part of wisdom if dur-
| ing the summer the young man’s fancy
and the old man’s also turned to thought;
of coal. It is time for the householder and in-
dustry as well to make as certain of its winter’s
supply as is possible with an enterprise in which strikes are a normal part of business.
It is beginning to appear that one of the chief reasons why strikes are so persistent in the coal business is that the United Mine Workers of America have set out to acquire a monopoly of coal mine labor in this country. This attempt of the union to gain a monopoly is of very particular interest to the public in several ways. To begin with, during the process of the monopolistic campaign the householders and the industries of the country are likely every once in a while to be treated to shortage if not suffering. In the second place, the union’s campaign seems to be setting up an extraordinary precedent of lawlessness, much more serious, for example, than the Ku Klux Klan. In the third place, if the union succeeds, the public will be faced with the long, hard, and costly task of breaking this trust just as it broke other trusts in the trust busting days. This struggle will be costly and bitter, for as arrogant and selfish as the industrial trusts were in their worst days they never so blatantly advised the public to be damned as have the United Mine Workers.
The most serious aspect of the whole matter is not the cost of strikes nor the ultimate cost to the consumer if the United Mine Workers’ monopoly succeeds, but the blows which this union has struck—and so far successfully— at popular government.
The bituminous operators have submitted to the United States Government’s Coal Fact Finding Commission a series of briefs taken chiefly from court records. These show that in the Mine Workers’ campaign for a mono- poly they rely chiefly upon the check-off, an in- voluntary system of collecting dues and assess- ments, and on armed warfare and corruption.
The ‘Check-off’”” System
HE “‘check-off”’ is a system by which the union forces the coal-mining companies to deduct from each miner’s wages all
dues and assessments of the union before the miner gets his money. These dues and assess-




































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348
ments are paid to the union. The legality of this system of involuntary payment of dues has been questioned in the courts. Its result is to give the United Mine Workers a fund of be- tween $15,000,000 and $20,000,000 a year with which to push their campaign. One of the uses to which they put this money is arm- ing and equipping of irregular forces with which they endeavor to enforce and extend their monopoly. The Herrin massacre was part of this programme. About twenty men were murdered in cold blood. Some, after being wounded, were forced to crawl on their knees through the town of Herrin and then, with ropes around their necks, were taken to the cemetery and shot. After this the union raised $900,000 in Illinois and with this money defeated the ends of justice so that not one man was punished for this crime. Nor is this an isolated instance. The briefs of the bitumi- nous operators show that this is one example of many in which the union employs guerrilla warfare to achieve its objects with complete indifference to state and national constitu- tions, the common law, or the rights of man.
These are most serious charges based chiefly on records of various courts. These charges are before the Coal Fact Finding Commission authorized by Congress and ap- pointed by the President of the United States.
The public has a right to expect that this commission will investigate the attempted monopoly, the “ check-off’’, which is the basis of it, and the warfare by which it is pushed.
If the bituminous operators’ briefs are true, the public will not expect an agency of the United States Government to deal with an organization a part of whose policy it is hab- itually to defy the law. And if the operators have done similar things, the public will expect that their conduct shall be equally exposed.
From any proper view these questions are far more fundamental and important than the price of coal. They strike at the funda- mentals of our government. They are the test of the real courage and patriotism of this commission.
The Last Appearance of Richard Croker
CURIOUS proceeding in Ireland is chiefly interesting to Americans for the light which it sheds upon their own political history. The children of the late Richard Croker have protested his will—
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unsuccessfully. The facts which are mainly important to Americans are two: firstly, that there should have been any will to protest, or, more accurately, that the amount should have involved several millions; secondly, that the contest should have taken place in Ireland. To the students of democracy these circum- stances are almost appalling.
Who was this Richard Croker, this man who, after an apparently temporary sojourn in the United States, was able to return with great accumulations to the country of his birth, and there lead the quiet and elegant life of a country gentleman? In what way did he heap up the fortune which has made this sordid post-mortem appearance in an Irish court? Most of our great American millionaires have some business or profession or productive lifework which they can show for the great reward that fate has given them. What public service did Richard Croker perform? What return did he make to the American community that had treated him so generously?
The facts of his career, so far as they are known, do not satisfactorily answer these queries. These facts are simply stated. The man was born in Ireland in 1843, came with his immigrating parents to America when a child, spent a brief time in the New York pub- lic schools, learned the trade of a machinist, and became a volunteer fireman. These plain biographical details, however, do not adequately picture the man. Croker’s great distinction, as a young man, was physical prowess. He was exceedingly clever and formidable with his fists. It was the time of the famous Irish gangs—a phase of New York life which no longer exists; Croker was the leader of the so-called “ Fourth Avenue Tun- nel Gang.” Leadership of this sort in those feudal days meant political power; Croker early joined his fortunes to Tammany Hall and became a conspicuous figure at elections. Election methods in those days were also primitive, for Tammany had a variety of ways of making the hesitant citizen vote in the way that would do the most good. Secret ballots were unknown. Intimidations and physical pummellings were far more effective than abstract argument; one method especi- ally lingers in the memory; the newly made voter, standing in line at the polls, would sometimes find immediately in his rear a Tammany worker who would deftly inject



Oo wr = tee Or Ue Ue CL”

The March of Events 349
an awl or other sharp instrument into his person at any indication of independent political thinking. Shooting affrays were not infrequent. The New York public first learned of Richard Croker when he was ar- rested on a charge of murder. The trial wasa long and famous one; Croker, however, was acquitted, and in 1886 he succeeded John Kelly as leader of Tammany Hall. He held this post until 1902, when he retired to a country estate in Ireland, weighed down with the for- tune which has formed the subject of the re- cent litigation. Since 1890 Croker had held no salary paying job, and had engaged in no business.
The mere recital of these facts is sufficient. As to the kind of city government New York enjoyed during the Croker dictatorship the historical student needs only to consult the several legislative investigations held. The Lexow hearings of 1892 and the Mazet hear- ings of 1899 tell the story. Yet this Croker episode is not entirely discouraging. It represents an inevitable and passing phase of evolving democracy. Croker typifies the period when New York was a frontier com- munity, with all the evils and vices, as well as all the energy and vitality, that compose such a primitive state of society. To a certain extent New York is still a frontier camp, yet it is not likely that, conspicuous as are its present political faults, it would endure another Croker now.
Common Sense in American Embassies
ERTAIN Congressmen have selected rather an unfavorable moment for at- tacking the plan to provide an appro-
priate architectural setting for the American diplomatic service. Congressman Madden in particular has launched his phillipic at the precise moment when the new home for the American Ambassador in London is nearly completed. This embassy—the first the American Government has ever owned in this capital—is a modest but entirely dignified structure at No. 13 & 14 Prince’s Gate, Knightsbridge, for many years the London home of the late ]. Pierpont Morgan, and the gift of the latter’s son to the American people. When the alterations are finished, the Ameri- can Ambassador to Great Britain will no longer be homeless, but will possess a definite and permanent address.

THE LATE RICHARD CROKER Who, after holding the position of leader of Tammany Hall for years, and amassing a considerable fortune, proved that his sojourn in America was but temporary by returning to the land of his birth and leading the quiet and elegant life of a country ‘“‘gentleman’’. AlI- though once arrested and tried for murder, he was acquitted after a long trial, and not long thereafter became the head of Tammany Hall. Through his Tammany affiliations he acquired his fortune
Congressman Madden objects to larger allowances to ambassadors in the interest of democratic simplicity; he wants no ostenta- tion in the ambassadorial establishment, but that quiet and dignity which are the mor2 fitting qualities of the representative of a great republic. In this ambition all good Americans join. There is one way, however, in which it can never be realized, and that is the failure to provide adequate allowances. The present niggardly policy produces the most extravagant display in the American diplomatic service. Most of the American Ambassadors in Europe for the last half cen- tury have been rich men, sometimes mere millionaires who have shocked both Euro- peans and Americans by the lavish scale on which they have lived. The reason is that a poor man could not accept the post. Oc- casionally men of modest means have done so, and have spent in two or three years the entire accumulation of a lifetime. A recent









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THE NEW AMERICAN EMBASSY IN LONDON
Formerly the London home of the late J. Pierpont
Morgan and recently presented to the United States
Government by J. Pierpont Morgan, Jr. The house is
now being remodeled, and will shortly be officially oc- cupied
American Ambassador at an _ important European capital informed his friends, when he accepted the appointment, that he had saved about $150,000 in a lifetime of hard work, that he would retain his post as long as his little fortune lasted, and that then he would be obliged to return home.
For the most part, however, ambassadors have been rich, and that democratic simpli- city for which Congressman Madden yearns has been painfully absent in their manner of life. The problem is not a difficult one. No sensible American believes that American Ambassadors and Ministers should draw fabulous salaries and live in magnificent governmentally supported palaces. The pro- per scale is suggested by the way we treat our Presidents. The White House is the ideal residence of the head of a great and prosperous republic—far more so than the gorgeous structure America could build had it the inclination. The salary and allowances made the President, enable him to live in that dignity and simplicity which comport with his exalted station. This is the model for the
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treatment that should be accorded the Presi- dent’s personal representatives at the great capitals of the world. First a decent and spacious house, well but not ostentatiously furnished. The salary at present paid— $17,000—need not be changed, but an al- lowance for maintaining the ambassadorial position, perhaps $35,000 a year, should be provided. This allowance should in no sense ke made part of the salary; it should be used only as an expense account, and any unused part should revert to the public treasury. There is a danger in giving our diplomatic representatives huge salaries; the places would be likely to become political plums, with all the demoralization that this would imply. A stipulation that the money could be used only for embassy purposes, and that the unused part should not become the per- quisite of the ambassador, would forestall any such demoralization.
The fact is that no ambassador at one of the great capitals can live in simple decency on less than $50,000 a year. The American Am- bassador in London, for example, is obliged to give a reception on the Fourth of July to all the Americans resident in that town. Even though he feeds them only sandwiches and coffee, the function costs him not far from $2,000; and this is only one of an infinite num- ber of expenditures which custom demands of him. A total budget of $50,o00o—including salary and allowances—would enable him to fulfil his duty with all the dignity and modesty that his position makes necessary. Then poor men as well as rich could accept such appointments and the ability and character of the diplomatic service would consequently improve.
Self Improvement of the Motion Pictures
HE Committee on Public Relations
of the Motion Picture Producers and
Distributors of America, Inc., has made progress in its work. This Committee is one of Mr. Will Havs’s enterprises, and is under the immediate direction of Mr. Jason Joy. Its purpose is to arrive at a real co6per- tion between the film producers and a sym- pathetic body of representatives of the churches, the schools, labor, business, anc other public organizations. These represen- tatives view the pictures before they are dis- tributed, and give their opinion of their merits





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and faults. section of the intelligent public opinion of the country, and their counsel has won the respect of the producers and thereby is sensi- bly affecting their methods in the making of
They are a pretty good cross
films. The Committee has wisely accepted the fact that motion picture producers are engaged in a commercial enterprise and that they must please their audiences, whose de- mand is chiefly for diversion. They have, therefore, criticised only where a picture was misleading or corrupting, and here they are gradually bringing the producers to see that clean and accurate films are sound business.
One example of the Committee’s influence is noteworthy. “The Covered Wagon” is a great commercial success. It is a story based on the historical f{=cts of the opening of the Oregon Trail. As originally written, the scenario introduced Kit Carson as a principal figure in the plot. Historically, this was an error. Also, it revealed Kit sharing in some unwholesome bar-room scenes. The Com- mittee pointed out to the producers the evil of consciously distorting history, and the scen- ario was re-arranged to substitute another character. From a commercial viewpoint, this seemed a great risk, as the producers relied on Kit Carson’s reputation to aid in the illusion of the story. The Committee also pointed out that Kit Carson was a patron saint of the Boy Scouts, and that he should not be represented in scenes tending to lower the ideal of his character in theireyes. “The Covered Wagon,” as finally produced, elimin- ated these objectionable elements, and was nevertheless a sensational commercial success —an object lesson to the producers that will doubtless draw them closer than before to the opinion of the Committee.
The Committee has not stopped with merely negative criticism, helpful though that is. It has realized that it must provide a quid pro quo for such criticism. It has, therefore, made a policy of urging its consti- tuent organizations to announce their ap- proval of pictures which are regarded as repres- entative of what, in their judgment, pictures of each type should be, and this positive com- mendation is given publicity through many channels which amount to free advertising of pictures that deserve it. This approval has a tangible commercial value, and that also tends to make the producers prize the good opinion of the Committee.
351
By this method, more has been accom- plished in the direction of good films that can possibly be done by legal censorship. The professional censor is seldom wise, rarely representative, and is, in the nature of his task, a nuisance to those whom he is presumed to correct and a poor servant of those whom he is presumed to serve. The Committee on Pub- lic Relations, being widely representative, brings to bear a sounder view of the public interest, and, its work being done without coercion, is more influential with the producers. In the long run, it promises a genuine coép- eration, which should produce a genuine im- provement in the quality of the motion pictures.
How to Lose Foreign Markets
F THE United States is to level out the | valleys of periodic depression in the curve of its business cycles and is to keep its factories and farms steadily and fully oc- cupied,’’ says Mr. Julius Klein, director of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, “the maintenance of permanent foreign out- lets must be assured regardless of fluctuations in domestic market conditions. It does not improve the standing of America’s business abroad to have the first sign of better domestic trade bring about the immediate abandon- ment of all interest in those foreign contacts which had been hailed with such joy and solici- tous regard during the dark days of 1921.” Unhappily, despite the lessons of the war and the ensuing cycle of prosperity and de- pression, the American business man in foreign trade remains too frequently the spoiled child. In a number of important cases, Mr. Klein says, “the accumulated assets of good will and experience are likely to be thrown away over night and squandered by a reversion to those haphazard, spasmodic policies—or ut- ter lack of policies—which had been the most serious handicap to our commercial progress abroad before the war.’ One firm, which had been courting foreign trade during the lean years, curtly refused “a six-figure order because ‘they were too busy with domestic demands.’”’ Another suddenly abolished its
export department, which had been labori- ously built up by a faithful foreign staff, with the explanation that “home markets are once more sufficient to take care of our entire out- put.”

























































352 The World’s Work
Frequently home offices display an utter lack of tact in dealing not only with their foreign customers but with their own sales- men. Sometimes this failing is complicated by red tape. One such company now “finds itself obliged to pay many thousands of dol- lars in additional customs duties because it refused to relax its stock-movement policy and to rush through certain emergency shipments to anticipate an increase in tariffs in a foreign country.” Some companies hamper their business by failing to trust their representa- tives as they should in matters of credit. A serious fault is failure to abide by announced price lists. Another is a failure or refusal to adjust prices to the prevailing market levels. Not so serious, perhaps, yet important in the long run, is the omission of small courtesies in correspondence. “A closing sentence such as, ‘We want to thank you on behalf of our firm for the courtesies that you were kind enough to extend to our Mr. White on his recent visit to your city’, or ‘We wish to ex- tend to you and your good family our cordial

© Harris & Ewing
JULIUS KLEIN
Director of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce
Christmas greetings and best wishes for the New Year’ would,” Mr. Klein thinks, “be an important factor in the creation of good will.”
Perhaps the “business-is-business”’ atti- tude has done more harm than good to Amer- ican foreign trade. For business, besides being business, is a system of human relations which cannot and ought not to be reduced to a soulless routine, and which involves much more than the getting of orders and taking of profit. This is a lesson that might be applied at home as well as abroad. Where it has been applied it has justified itself financially, besides adding to the urbanity of daily existence.
A Negro Who Had Made Good
HE Spingarn medal, awarded each
year to “the man or woman of African
descent and American citizenship who during the year shall have made the highest achievement in any field of human endeavor,” goes this year to Professor George W. Carver, director of agricultural research and chemistry at the Tuskegee normal and industrial insti- tute. That Professor Carver is not alto- gether unworthy of this distinction isevidenced by the list of his achievements. Professor Carver has discovered 145 different foods or useful articles which may be made from the peanut and 107 which may be made from the sweet potato; he has made potash and stock feed with the aid of the chinaberry; he has demonstrated the uses of okra fibre for rope, cordage, mats, and carpets; he has made furni- ture stains from native clays and vegetables; and dyes from dandelion, black oak, wood ashes, sweet gum, willow, swamp-maple, and numerous other native growths; he has used the native clays for washes and scouring pow- ders; and in.many other ways demonstrated what. may be done with materials lying, liter- aily in Alabama’s back yard.
Not all these suggestions may prove com- mercially feasible, yet they indicate a racial genius devoted to practical ends which ren of all races must admire. Professor Carver is as good an example as could be found of the economic value to the South of the liberated and enlightened Negro. The committee mak- ing the award included Bishop John Hurst, Theodore Roosevelt, Dr. James H. Dillard, Oswald Garrison Villard, Dr. E. E. B. Du Bois, Dorothy Canfield Fisher, and Dr. John Roe



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O1S,



The March of Events 353
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CHILDREN IN THE COTTON MILLS
Formerly there was much criticism of the number of children employed in the cotton mills. This number has greatly decreased, and now the farms are the worst offenders against children
It is interesting to note that in addition to recognizing Professor Carver’s _ scientific achievements, they declared that his “clear thought and straightforward attitude have greatly increased inter-racial knowledge and respect.”
The Present Situation in Child Labor
, | SO THE casual reader child labor and the textile industry are probably al- most synonymous. How wide this is
of the truth is shown in an instructive bulletin
recently issued by the Federal Children’s
Bureau. In 1920, when the last census was
taken, more than a million children between
10 and 15 years of age were “‘engaged in gain-
ful occupations” (as the census reports euphe-
mistically put it), .to which must be added an uncertain number under ten years of age, most of whom were engaged in farming. Of the total recorded number more than half
(569,824) were at work on their home farms,
and 66,990 others were hired out as farm
laborers. Manufacturing and mechanical in-
dustries required 185,337, of whom 54,649
were employed in textile mills, and 21,875 in
the cotton mills alone. Mining employed
7,191, transportation 18,912, “public service’’
1,130, “professional service” 3,465, domestic
and personal service 54,006, and clerical
occupations 80,140. The record therefore shows that the greatest sinners in the matter of child labor are not the cities and industrial centres, but the farms. To most Americans this fact will probably come as something of a surprise and a shock.
If a general average of all industrial occupa- tions is taken, the South is the principal of- fender against childhood. In the whole United States about one in 12 of all children between 10 and 15 is at work; in Alabama, Mississippi, and South Carolina about one in every 4; in Georgia one in 5. Sixteen and six tenths per cent. of North Carolina’s children are wage earners, 18.5 per cent. of Arkansas’s; 13.4 per cent. of Rhode Island’s. Several Southern states, however, stand lower in the scale (or. higher in the measure of humanity) than Rhode Island. These are Delaware, Maryland, Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Texas, and West Vir- ginia. West Virginia’s percentage is 3.9 or not much more than half the average for New England. The Western states, as might be expected, have comparatively little in- dustrial child labor, although Arizona’s per- centage is 7.1.
If the non-agricultural occupations are segregated, “the proportion is considerably larger for New England and for the Middle Atlantic states, and slightly larger for the





354
East North Central states—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and -Wisconsin—than for any of the three southern geographic divi- sions.” In other words the South is not the centre of industrial child labor. Among cities of more than 100,000 population Fall River with 18 per cent. of its children employed and the old whaling town of New Bedford, with 17 per cent., head (or perhaps it would be better to say foot) the list. The decline in the number of children employed in the textile industries during the last ten years has been almost wholly in the South, where, the children bureaus report, “considerable advance was made in child-labor and educa- tion laws, and where the effects of the Federal laws were especially marked.”
Child labor is thus not a sectional problem. Whether in the mills of North Carolina or Rhode Island, the coal mines of Pennsylvania, or the sugar beet fields of California and Colorado, it reflects the technical condition of industry and agriculture and the social and economic standards of the population. Wher- ever the labor of children is profitable to employers, or wherever the existence of the so-called “family wage”’ makes it seem neces- sary, children are sure to be put to work. The remedies are partly legal, partly technical, and partly social. The raising of adult wages in parasitic industries—that is, in those which do not provide the male wage earner with enough to support an average family—is apparently essential. To accomp- lish this, new machinery and methods of

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production may be called for, yet this is surely not a task beyond the capacity of the sup- posedly ingenious American employer. It is not so difficult a problem, certainly, as that created by the curtailment of. education and opportunity, and the probable shortening of working life, which go with child labor.
Whether there was a decisive permanent gain in the fight against this evil between 1920 and 1923 remains, surprising as the statement may seem, somewhat in doubt. Between 1910 and 1920 the number of children em- ployed in the United States decreased by 46.7 per cent., or almost half, and the number between the ages of 10 and 13, by 57.8 per cent. Unfortunately for the accuracy of these figures as bearing upon present condi- tions, the census of 1920 was taken in January at nearly the lowest point of an industrial depression. Since January, 1920, the revival of business and the abrogation of the Federal child labor law have doubtless added greatly to the number of children at work.
State laws dealing with the terms and conditions’ under which children may be employed were not, of course, affected by the suspension of the Federal law. It is un- fortunate that Federal legislation in this field has depended upon so debatable a constitu- tional principle as the use of taxation as a means of destroying. Apparently the evil can be permanently abolished only by means of a constjtutional amendment. Inthe mean- time the stirring of the national conscience ought to make itself felt-in state legislatures.


CHILDREN
IN THE SUGAR BEET FIELDS

Manufacturing states have reduced the number of children employed in the industries,
but many agricultural states still permit the wholesale employment of children on farms



YK wee Ow wv
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The March of Events 355



THE “INCONCEIVABLY PLEASANT” HOME LIFE OF NEW YORKERS This photograph shows that section of New York north of 44th Street and east of Seventh Avenue. It is crowded with apartments and hotels, and that section shown in the distance running along the east side of Central Park is filled with apartments the rents for which are probably the highest in the world
More and more such states as Rhode Island and North Carolina should find themselves in bad standing if they allow their industries or their farms to rob children of their birth- right.
The New Yorker’s ‘Inconceivably Pleasant”? Home Life
HAT scant.ninety or ninety-five mil-
lions of Americans who live outside
the metropolitan area of New York City can secure an edifying glimpse at certain aspects of urban.concentration at its height by glancing at the Sunday real estate sections of the New York newspapers. Let us take the choice bits of the apartment renting list of a well-known firm. Its lowest offer is three rooms and bath, unfurnished, for $1,400 a year, and the top price in this particular list is twelve rooms for $10,000 a year. These, it must be remembered, are bargains. A cer- tain apartment building on East Eighty-sixth street “ provides with incomparable excellence a new mode of dwelling that enables you to do as little or as much housekeeping as you de- sire.” The rent for two rooms and a kitchen- ette here runs from $1,500 to $2,000, a typical rental in parts of town that would seem desirable to a small-city person with a
total income of about twice that much. If the small-city person required as much room as he was used to at home, he would have to pay two or three times the figures given.
He might choose to simplify his existence by renting an unfurnished apartment in an apartment hotel, for which he would pay | from $700 to $1,400 annually for each room. “The reason for the apartment hotel, in general,’ says an advertisement depicting the charms of this solution of the housing problem, “is the growing desire of apartment house dwellers for a better way to live—a way that will eliminate work, waste, and worry, assure more living service, more com- forts and conveniences, and, at the end of the year, prove more economical in money. : The millions of dollars invested in these splendid apartment hotels is a most practical expression of the demand for a Better Way to Live. The advantages they offer are very practical and humanly appealing. Fhey give you a home life inconceivably pleasant.”
But the home seeker may be unable to live in such undoubted Elysiums, or to pay the $3,000 or $4,000 needed for a comfortable amount of space in a reasonably clean and quiet neighborhood between Washington Square, and, roughly speaking, Washington




356
Heights. He may, then, take refuge in the Bronx, or in the wilderness of apartments at the northeast end of Manhattan island, which he will reach after a ride of from forty minutes to an hour in an indecently and inhumanly crowded subway car, where his children will still, in most cases, be compelled to play in the streets. Here he will pay $20 per room a month, or a little more, or a little less. He may decide, after enduring this Purgatory for a time, to commute into New Jersey or Long Island, where he may buy a roomy house in a good neighborhood for between $10,000 and $20,000; or an especially well-built house in a preferred neighborhood for $30,000 and up. Even if he chooses to remain in the city, he will want to send his wife and children out of town for a part of the summer. If he rents a humble furnished cottage within commuting distance, he will be lucky to pay as little as $700 for a season’s use of it.
Whether he elects to live in the city or out- side, our middle-class home-seeker cannot work out a perfectly satisfactory mode of life. The disadvantages of the city are obvious; they include noise, dirt, crowds, and the scarcity of safe places for children to play. Most children in New York City find their playgrounds in the streets. A minority get into the parks; a still smaller minority are sent to expensive private schools, where their play activities are taken care of. If the city man commutes, he may leave his family in attrac- tive and healthful surroundings (although not all suburban communities are rustic paradises), but he himself must undergo not less than two hours each day of nerve-wrack- ing labor—for commuting is probably about the hardest work a city office man does—in addition to his regular job. Unless he is a man of unusual energy and buoyancy he will find himself too much exhausted, after his return home, for study or for the ordinary decencies of social life. Commuting is not, of course, peculiar to New York, but there is no city in the country where it is done under such extraordinarily trying conditions.
This burden of discomfort and expense increases—or, to put it in another way, the value of the New Yorker’s dollars, measured in terms of well-being, decreases—year by year. Such are the diminishing returns of metropolitan life. The point has passed, for middle-class people, when such aggregations of population as Greater New York were

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worth what they cost; and if the middle-class New Yorker has lost out, what of the less for- tunate?
The citizen of San Francisco, Seattle, Den- ver, Indianapolis, Atlanta, or Cleveland may well congratulate himself on having most of the advantages of city life, with few of the advantages under which the supposedly fortunate New Yorker labors. Perhaps these advantages of the smaller city more than compensate, for ninety-nine people out of a hundred, for the added glamour and the occasional supreme opportunity of life in New York. The situation suggests that it is time to draw a more careful line, not between rural and urban populations, but between urban populations which have, and those which have not, passed the point of diminish- ing returns. This is a task for the sociologist, to whose efforts must be added those of the engineer and industrialist.
In the meantime it might be a wholesome symptom in American life if the resident of the smaller cities would realize that the op- portunity to build up a truly American cul- ture is more open to him than to the New Yorker, and would then act upon that realiza- tion. The very congestion of the greater city makes for a species of barbarism unfriendly to the more delicate flowers of life and the arts. For them we must look elsewhere than on the island of Manhattan.
Cathedrals and the Modern World
OR those philosophic minds that see modern life in its historic perspective
there is a certain incongruity between two ecclesiastical developments which have recently taken up much space in the public press. Practically all churches, except the Roman Catholic, are now profoundly stirred on the question of creed and dogma. The lessening grip of old-fashioned faith is the pre- vailing religious symptom of the time. The convictions long regarded as essential to a Christian life are rapidly being dispensed with. A New York clergyman of Episcopal ordination has paraded from the Sunday pul- pit his disbelief in most of the formal doctrines of that church and practically challenged the Bishop to remove him, a challenge which the Bishop has declined to accept. The Presby- terian Church has publicly proclaimed several dogmas as indispensable to membership, yet





The March of Events





THE CATHEDRAL OF ST. JOHN THE DIVINE IN NEW YORK As it will appear when it is completed. This structure was begun in 1872, and is now only partially
built.
many of the leading Presbyterian pulpits of the Nation have rung with denunciation of this injunction and have announced their in- tention of defying it. Many men who pub- licly affirm their disbelief in the Virgin birth of Christ and in His resurrection are admitted to ordination. There is nothing especially new in all this; the conflict of religion and science has been acutely active for more than fifty years; recent events, however, have focussed attention upon an ancient con- troversy, and the appearance of certain lively champions of the two schools of thought has given the subject personality and emphasis. Whatever emotions may be aroused, one fact is apparent; the age of faith has gone. Out of it all something finer may emerge, but that
unquestioning and satisfied acceptance of - fundamental truth, another name for faith, no longer controls the modern world.
The other fact is the new zeal for cathedrals in the Episcopal Church. Some months ago the Washington Diocese announced plans for
Recently an appeal for $15,000,000 has been made in order that-the church may be completed
a cathedral at the national capitol, vast in its size and magnificent in its architecture. The New York Diocese has recently issued an appeal for $15,000,000 to finish the great Cathedral of St. John the Divine, a beautiful structure which was begun so long ago as 1872. There are probably few Americans who would not like to see these enterprises succeed. Beautiful things are one of the greatest needs of the American democracy at this moment, and monuments that symbolize the elevation of the human spirit add an inestimable qual- ity to American life. Few will therefore see any incongruity between the religious think- ing of this era and its architecture. The one thing that the cathedral solemnly emblazons is religious faith. Like faith itself, it belongs to the Middle Ages. The great medizval edifices were the expressions of a time that knew not the higher criticism, that did not disturb itself over the contradictions of the Bible, that did not attempt to explain the miracles of the New Testament on scientific grounds. These



358
things were as much realities as the rising and the setting of the sun. There was no conflict between science and religion, for there was no science; possibly there was no religion—but there was certainly faith. The great cathe- drals stand in Europe the silent witnesses of the complete confidence and childlike belief of their creators in the simple and under- standable God who watched over their daily lives, who remorselessly punished the wicked and abundantly rewarded the good. Is there not some spiritual inconsistency in a great and beautiful cathedral on the Hudson, standing alongside Columbia University, an intellectual kingdom in which Darwin reigns supreme?


The World’s Work
Making Mexico Literate
OME years ago advocates of American intervention in Mexican affairs used to divert attention from the less agree-
able aspects of their scheme by pointing to the advantages which the “little red school house,’’ arriving with the American occupa- tion, might be expected to bring. Experience in the Philippines has shown that these ex- pectations were well founded. However, it is pleasant to learn that Mexico has realized her own problem and is going at it in her own way, without the support of American bay- onets. A committee formed last year under the Department of Public Education, with Sefiorita Eulalia Guzm4n at its head, organized classes under volunteer teachers last year, in which 50,000 adults were taught to read and write Spanish. It is hoped that many more will be reached this year. Classes “may be held in the home, the garden, or some public place, and may consist of one or more illiterates wish- ful of acquiring the rudi- ments of education in the language of their country.” Thecentral committee issues certificates to the volunteer instructors and also fur- nishes such material as may be required. Citizens who cannot give personal service are urged to help by giving financial aid to private edu- cational institutions, by founding new schools, by organizing educational so- cieties, by founding or con- tributing to public libraries, and by financing scholar- ships.
“The committee is plan- ning a national literacy day,” says a statement of Sefiorita Guzman, “when,

AN INTERIOR VIEW OF THE CATHEDRAL OF ST. JOHN THE DIVINE
As it now is.
The Episcopal Diocese of New York is endeavoring to raise the necessary money with which to complete this structure, and recently the Wash- ington Diocese announced plans for a cathedral at the national capital, vast in its size and magnificent in its architecture
throughout the entire Re- public, teachers and pupils will assemble in the centres of population. In this an-
nual festival well-deserved



The March of Events

A SCHOOL IN MEXICO
For many years observers of Mexico have pointed to the need for schools, and at last the Mexican Government seems to have seen the necessity for them
recognition and honor will be given to those who have rendered this noble and truly patri- otic service, not only to their country but to the entire race, inspiring us with renewed courage to continue our crusade until its ulti- mate purpose—a literate Mexico—has been achieved.”
The task of abolishing illiteracy in Mexico is a formidable one, and the work already ac- complished is only a beginning. It is only in such efforts as this, however, that there is any hope for democracy, for the literacy of the masses is the keystone of that great edifice. The evidence that this great truth is making substantial headway in Mexico is one of the most hopeful developments in the distracted republic.
Better Sentences for Crooked Promoters
RAUDULENT promotion is becoming H considered a greater crime against
society than it used to be. The housebreaker, or the highwayman, who takes his life in his hands to gain his ends, is given the limit the law allows; the promoter, who robs thousands by the use of the mails, the telegraph, and the telephone, generally got a light sentence and was soon back at his nefari- ous operations. But public sentiment is changing toward this method of wholesale robbery. When the promoter started after Liberty bonds, people began to lose that misplaced regard that some held for him be-
cause of their contempt for those who became his “suckers.’”’ Many people were formerly like a Pennsylvania judge who refused to con- vict fraudulent promoters brought before him because, he said; #f people were foolish enough to part with their money for such schemes, they deserved to lose it. That same judge, however, and many others have later fallen victims to some new scheme of the promoters, and now, like the judge, they are ready to give them the limit of the law.
Judge Kenesaw Mountain Landis, while on the Federal bench in Chicago, best ex- emplified and to a considerable extent led this change of sentiment. It was he who in December, 1919, sentenced S. C. Pandolfo to ten years in the penitentiary for his frau- dulent operations in selling nine and a half million dollars worth .of stock in the Pan Motor Company. Pandolfo used his ill- gotten millions to carry his case clear up to the United States Supreme Court, but last April he entered Leavenworth penitentiary to begin his ten-year sentence.
In the first of the Post Office Department’s Texas oil cases, tried before Judge Benjamin F. Bledsoe of Los Angeles, sitting in Fort Worth, Texas, ten-year sentences were given to the two promoters and a two-year sentence to the man who permitted them to use his name. It is such sentences that make crooked promotion unprofitable. The pro- moter might be willing to risk a few years in prison for the fortune he gets, but he will




The World’s Work



PANDOLFO IN THE PENITENTIARY
An illustration of the effectiveness of the work of the Post Office Inspectors. S. C. Pandolfo, the arch promoter of the Pan Motor Company, who renamed St. Cloud, Minn.,—the seat of his gigantic promotion operations—‘‘Pan-Town-on- the-Mississippi,’”” and became the virtual dictator of the place, is now “‘Pandolfo Such is the end of Napoleons of crooked finance when the Post Office inspectors get after them. Wor.p’s Work readers will recall Pandolfo as one of the “Pirates of Promotion” exposed by this magazine in January, 1919. He sold $9,500,000 worth of stock to the public and got half of that amount himself
in the Pen.”
not risk ten. It is the effective way to mini- mize the promotion evil.
In sentencing others who pleaded guilty to fraudulent promotion operations, Judge Bled- soe said, “These men have indulged in flam- boyant and excessive claims in connection with the enterprise they operated for the pur- pose of separating innocent and gullible peo- ple from their money. There cannot be any excuse for that any more than there can be an excuse for the highwayman. These men admit they were involved in a scheme to de- fraud. In my judgment nothing is more indefensible or more despicable. Such a scheme lacks the merit of a manly holdup, while possessing at the same time all of its intrinsic advantages. Those engaged in such a scheme do things that a brave man would disclaim, all for the purpose of getting some- one else’s money.”
The Problem of the Standing Automobile
OUGHLY speaking, the United States now has one automobile for every nine or ten inhabitants, with a total capital
value of at least seven or eight billion dollars, and the number is rapidly increasing. Within a few years, if economic factors are alone

considered, the nation will be able to go auto- mobile riding comfor- tably and simultaneously on any fine Sunday after- noon. But the economic factors have ceased to be the all-important ones where automobiles are concerned. The time is approaching, as John Ihlder, manager of the civic development de- partment of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, points out, when a halt may be called by “the incapac- ity of streets, not only in cities, but even in towns and villages, to hold more cars.” Mr. Ihlder emphasizes the problem of the standing automobile. ‘Until some inventive genius invents a collapsible car that can be folded up and put into the hall closet or a corner of the office,’ he says, “this question of what to do with the automobile when not in use is going to cause more and more concern to manufac- turers and salesmen, and to would-be owners than ever has been caused by justices of the peace with a keen eye for local revenues.”
Mr. Ihlider lays it down as axiomatic that “the streets are designed primarily for tran- sit” and that “entrances to buildings in which there is a large amount of coming and going must be kept accessible.” Obviousy these conditions conflict with the car owner’s desire to park his machine as near his place of business and as long as he desires. Parking space can be added to by the use of portions of public parks, and by the opening up of the centres of city blocks; and private initiative may utilize vacant lots or provide special storage buildings. But these are admittedly makeshifts. The only final solution, ap- parently, will be a re-distribution of traffic. In other words the decentralization of busi- ness, industry, and residence which the auto- mobile makes possible must be taken ad- vantage of to diminish the congestion which the automobile causes.





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METHODS OF THE MODERN BUCKET SHOPS
Every month in this part of the magazine the WorLpD’s Work prints an article on investments and the lessons to be learned therefrom
«HE modern bucket shop operates differently from the bucket shop of old. With a bucket shop as it used to be conducted nothing was bought and nothing was sold. The records
were kept as though every order had actually been executed. The intention of the bucke- teer may have been that within his financial ability all customers were to get the profits that would have accrued to them had every order been executed. He may have intended to be an honest gambler, taking his profits when he won and standing his losses when the market went against him.
When state laws were passed requiring that all orders must be executed, the bucket shops devised new and intricate methods of opera- tion. The modern bucket shop executes its orders but does not hold the customers’ stock. It is therefore in the same position as its pre- decessor of being “ short”’ of the stock of which its customers are “long.”’ In other words, the bucketeer takes a position in the market opposite to that of the customer. This, in- cidentally, is forbidden by state law, but it is more difficult to prove than straight bucket- ing because of the ingenious methods used by the bucketeers in disposing of the stock. There are four principal ways of doing this:
1. The stock may be sold by the bucketeer
himself.
2. It may be sold by him through the medium of one or more dummy ac- counts. ;
3. It may be “loaned” to some other bucketeer or to a legitimate broker.
4. It may never have been delivered to the bucketeer; he may have purchased it for the account of his customer through another bucketeer, or a legiti- mate broker, who by common under- standing “fails to deliver.”
According to an authority who has investi- gated houses of this character, methods (1) and (2) are not now commonly employed; the bucketeers prefer methods (3) and (4)
because they complicate the accounts and make discovery more difficult.
Under method number (3), when the stock is “loaned,” the other bucketeer, or broker, pays the lender the full market value on the date of the transaction and agrees to return the stock upon demand, on repayment of the money involved. The bucketeer, however, through connivance with the borrowing broker, never demands the return of the so-called “Joaned”’ stock; consequently the transaction becomes a bona fide sale by the bucketeer, who, presumably, and according to this books, is carrying the stock for his customer.
Under method (4)—now the favorite meth- od—the bucketeer never receives the stock purchased for the account of his customer. On the New York Stock Exchange, in legitimate transactions, it occurs frequently that in cases of customers located at some distance from New York, immediate delivery of stock is impossible. Unless the purchasing broker has immediate need for the securities pur- chased, he is usually willing to allow the seller to defer delivery until the stock to be trans- ferred is received from the customer. In this case the selling broker is said to “fail to de- liver’ and the purchasing broker is said to “fail to receive.’ It should be said that the New York Stock Exchange is particularly careful to see that this privilege is not abused by its members.
Under this method, the bucketeer, in con- nivance with another broker, has a valid contract covering the purchase of the stock on his customer’s order, but simply fails to take delivery of the stock. As no money is paid out until the delivery is made, no money has to be advanced by the bucketeer in this trans- action at all. It is in this way that the mo- dern bucket shops operate exactly as did the notorious bucket shops of old, and yet have accurate accounts on their books from which it would be difficult to prove that they were bucket shops. When they fail, as so many of them have done, and their customers and

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362 The World’s Work
other creditors get little or nothing back, then one can assume that they were bucket shops.
It might be supposed that these “failure to deliver’”’ and “loan” items would run into enormous figures, and they would, provided the accounts were not frequently liquidated. It is understood, however, by those in a posi- tion to know, that the bucketeer contemplates a complete turnover in his customers’ ac- counts once every ninety days. In other words, he clears his records by cleaning out his customers in that time. That accounts for the fact that he spends so much money all the time to get new customers. When the market is going down he is all right as long as he can get new customers. But when Stock prices rise steadily, as they did for many months following August, 1921, it is difficult for the bucket shops to clean out their cus- tomers’ accounts. It was that market ad- vance that precipitated the failure of some- thing like a hundred of these houses in the last year and a half.
Both the legitimate broker and his cus- tomers can make money at the same time; a bucketeer gains only when his customers lose. That fact makes evident the corrupt intent with which the bucket shop scheme is conceived. If people make purchases from such a concern, either™ on margin” or by the partial payment plan—a method of invest- ment fostered by these houses, and a very proper method when the purchases are made through reliable houses—and are led to be- lieve that a legitimate brokerage business is being conducted, and if they would not have made such purchases had they known the true situation, they are deceived as to one of the material facts—the security behind the investment. For if the situation had been as they were led to believe, that security would have protected them regardless of what might happen to the concern; but as the situation actually is, the bucket shop must prosper by its customers’ losses, and in_ proportion thereto, or else both bucket shop and cus- tomer go down together. That goes a long way toward accounting for the fact that the creditors of many of the failed bucket shops will get little or nothing.
Those experienced in the detection of fraud under the Federal statutes maintain that the conception and operation of such a concern is a fraudulent scheme in that it gives assurance of security by falsely representing
that a brokerage business in good faith is being conducted that would make it possible for every customer to benefit by a rising market, when in truth and in fact the intent is to wipe out every account on a falling market, and if the market should rise, not to intend to settle and not to make any provision to meet that contingency.
But to know how the bucket shops conduct their business, while interesting, or to know that they probably violate the Federal fraud law by so doing, does not help the average individual to distinguish between a bucket shop and a legitimate brokerage house. It indicates, however, the need for making sure that one does business only with legitimate houses of the best reputation. There are many such houses about which there is no suspicion of bucketing, and the names of some of them can easily be secured from one’s bank or other reliable sources. It is not as easy to learn just what houses do operate as bucket shops, because, as has been shown here, that is a difficult thing to prove.
It might not be amiss, however, to point out that the WorLp’s Work, in its “ Pirates of Promotion”’ series, about five years ago, in an article on “The Modern Bucket Shop,” —which was then out after Liberty bonds by means of the partial payment plan—listed J. D. Sugarman & Company, one of the first of the Consolidated Stock Exchange houses to fail; E. M. Fuller & Company, the partners of which recently pleaded guilty to bucketing; Charles A. Stoneham & Company, the head of which house was a graduate of the old bucket shop of Haight & Freese, and several others which have since failed. In another article of that series Kriebel & Company, a bucket shop of Chicago, the heads of which were recentl\ convicted for fraudulent use of the mails, was also mentioned, and in still another, L. L. Winkleman & Company, which recently failed, was used as an example to show that there were not enough commissions on the business done on the New York Curb Market to pay the heavy expenses of that and other larger Curb houses provided they did a legiti- mate business.
The investor can find out what are the dangerous houses to do business with if he makes sufficient investigation. He can trore easily avoid them by doing business only with houses that are known to be _ thor- oughly reliable.

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~The Ku Klux Klan in the Middle West
What the Ku Klux Salesmen Have Done Outside of the South, and What the Ungainly Organization They Have Built Has How Big the Klan Is and Where it Is Heading
Tried to Do.
By ROBERT L. DUFFUS
N PREVIOUS articles | have attempted to sketch the origin of the Ku Klux Klan in the imaginative brain of “Colonel” William Joseph Simmons, its early strug- gles with popular indifference, its burst
of prosperity under the stimulating influence of Edgar Young Clarke and his businesslike assistant, Mrs. Elizabeth Tyler, its impeach- ment at the bar of public opinion, its sinister activities in Mer Rouge and other Southern communities, its political victories, which almost seemed destined to build up a nation- wide super-Tammany, and the internal dis- sensions which have dragged so much of its dirty linen into the light of day.
The publicity which the Klan has enjoyed in the last twenty months has not been of a sort calculated to endear it to any judicious and public-spirited person, yet it is during these months that it has made the extensive inroads in the North which | shall in the pres- ent article endeavor to indicate. The candid observer must admit that some of the same portions of our population which followed in Mr. Roosevelt’s train in his great days, and which have contributed many a progressive measure to the national programme, have also proved susceptible, in certain pivotal North- ern states, to the Klan’s siren song of hate.
[t is easier to describe this strange phenom- enon than to account for it. For the present ! shall confine myself to the simpler task. When Mr. Clark set out to sell the Klan at his bargain rate of ten dollars a head, he con- ceived of a plan of campaign which should take in every available American from Bangor to San Diego, and from Bellingham to Key West. He was not guilty of a narrow section-
alism, and a Yankee dollar was as good in his eyes as one from south of the Mason and Dixon line. But because of a number of con- ditions, mostly geographical, the Klan spread first in the South, growing strong in Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Texas, Okla- homa, and Arkansas before it advanced in force into the North and Middle West. In most cases it has travelled, like its great pro- totype, the boll weevil, through contiguous territories. The great exception to this rule was the Pacific Coast, to which the Klan was carried early, and where a number of peculiar conditions (among them the presence of Jap- anese, Mexicans, and Hindus, and the preva- lent fear of the I. W. W. and other radical movements) may have contributed to its success. The peak of the Klan’s activities and victories in the Middle West has come from a year to eighteen months later than in the South, and considerably later than the same stage in the Far West.
Statements as to the organization’s mem- bership, whether made by friends or foes, usu- ally need to be taken with more than a grain of salt. The following figures, dated about the end of May, 1923, are as good as most: Florida, 26,000; Georgia, 90,000; Alabama, 78,000; Mississippi, 16,000; Louisiana, 54,000; Texas, 170,000; Oklahoma, 104,000; Arkansas, 45,000; Tennessee, 30,000; South Carolina, 19,000; North Carolina, 47,000; Virginia, 35,000; Kentucky, 48,000; Kansas, 60,000; Nebraska, 45,000; lowa, 51,000; Missouri, 136,000; Illinois, 131,000; Wisconsin, 40,000; Minnesota, 30,000; Michigan, 75,000; In- diana, 294,000; Ohio, 300,000; Pennsylvania, 200,000; Delaware, 6,000; New Jersey, 65,000;





HENRY J. ALLEN
Who, when governor of Kansas, began the fight against the Ku Klux Klan in Kansas, which has been carried on by his successor, Governor Davis
New York, 75,000; Connecticut, 45,000; Massachusetts, 61,000; Rhode Island, 12,000; Colorado, 34,000; Montana, 3,000; Idaho, 18,000; Utah, 20,000; New Mexico and Ari- zona, about 5,000 each; California, 134,000; Oregon, 58,000; Washington, 38,000. Most estimates of the total number of Klansmen in America fall between two and three million. The total here indicated of, roughly, two million and a half is, | believe, reasonably accurate.
But such statistics as these represent not the actual number of active members at any given time, but the total number who have been accepted for membership. They in- clude many who have broken with the Klan and are now its avowed enemies; and they include many more who paid their ten dollars

Robert L. Duffus
to the organizers, bu have since lost interes: and dropped out. The order is run by a smai! minority, as such socie- ties usually are, ‘and in most cases it is certainly only a slightly larger mi- nority that attends the regular meetings. A young man of prominent family in Indianapolis was asked two years ago to join a new fraternal society which, he was told, was to “fight Bol- shevism.” He readily signed the application and paid his ten dollars, but was never initiated and never attended a meeting. Yet his name was still being carried on the regular membership lists in May of this year. Such cases seem to be not uncommon. In some communities members have dropped out by the thousand; in a few, local klans have voluntarily disbanded; in others whole klans have gone over into rival organiza- tions, such as the “ Fas- cisti of America,”’ which has its headquarters at Omaha. The actual paid-up membership in good standing in Kansas at the present time is probably not more than 15,000—one fourth of my estimate of those who at one time or another joined.
Yet if the actual membership is consider- ably less than the figures given, the Klan’s voting strength may be considerably more. The Ku Klux, like other movements, has a penumbra of sympathizers who for one reason and another will not join, but who share its prejudices against Jews, Catholics, or for- eigners, and will vote for it at a pinch. Although official Masonry has spoken un-- equivocally in most of the afflicted districts against the Klan, the Masons have sometimes found themselves, as they did in Oregon, on the side of a measure or candidate supported
© Paul Thompson


The Ku Klux Klan
by Klansmen. Such issues are rarely clean- cut, and in spite of the election of Klan candi- dates in a large number of American com- munities, it is fair to say that there has not yet been a clean test of Klan voting strength in America. Probably, so long as it remains a surreptitious and opportunistic’ faction, greedy for power and careless of principle, there will not be such a test. An examination of almost every supposed Klan victory shows other influences to have been at work. For instance, in Fort Scott, Kansas, a candidate known as a Klansman was e‘ected mayor this spring; but in addition to being a Klansman he was also a former divinity student, a former locomotive fireman, and a field representative of the Scottish Rite Masons. When to such varied affiliations are added the complexities of local politics, it is virtually impossible to determine what influence each one has had.
The Klan revealed itself in the Middle West in considerable strength in 1921 (as I have stated in a previous article 18,000 Klansmen were said to have resigned in Chicago follow- ing the exposures in the summer of that year), but it did not begin an aggressive campaign in the North until 1922, and in some states, such as Wisconsin and Minnesofa, its activ- ities have not yet reached a climax. From Texas, its great stronghold, it first reached North into Oklahoma and Arkansas, in which it became very strong; thence it advanced into Kansas and Missouri, and within the last year has grown like a weed in Indiana—now
the heart of Northern Klandom as Northwest--
ern Texas is of the Southern—and has estab- lished itself firmly in Illinois and Ohio.
To the corps of organizers sent from At- lanta were added, as the campaign proceeded, promising members of new lodges. Thus men from Oklahoma City, a hot Klan centre, were sent to Topeka to help bring Kansas into the fold. In Muncie, Indiana, also a hot bed of the Klan, ten or a dozen of the local brothers gave up their regular jobs and went soliciting in Ohio, sending back word to friends at home that they were “making big money.”
In the state of Kansas, to which the solici- tors turned their attention early in 1922, and which seemed a promising field, the Klansmen encountered one of the severest setbacks of their career in the person of Governor Henry Allen. As this is written the outcome of the fight begun by Allen and carried on, though less dramatically, by his successor, Gov-
in the Middle West 365 ernor Davis, is still-in doubt, but there is no doubt that Kansas at best will prove a hard nut to crack. f;
The Klan operated in Kansas, as in Ne- braska, from central headquarters in Kansas City, Missouri. It held several initiation ceremonies in the neighborhood of this city, inviting reporters to witness them from a safe distance, and even held an open meeting in Convention Hall, Kansas City, Kansas, to which the general public was invited: Its strength on the Missouri side in the city and county elections of November, 1922, was estimated at 16,000, the number of votes cast for the unsuccessful Klan candidate for circuit judge.
In the meantime the situation in Kansas had become critical. The railway strike had disorganized industry and transportation, and Governor Allen was using every means in his power to keep the wheels turning. At this juncture Klan organ‘zers were hurried across the border from Oklahoma and became active in the railway’ centres of Arkansas City, Coffeyville, and Pittsburg, all near the Okla- homa line, and also in Emporia, Newton, and Hutchinson. In all these towns considerable numbers of railway men were out of work. In a similar crisis in Arkansas the Klan had allied itself on the side opposed to the strikers, and can fairly be blamed for a number of acts of violence, including the unprovoked lynching of one striker. But in Kansas the Klan solici- tors conceived the really brilliant idea of en- listing the strikers. Their appeal was simple and direct. The railways had imported strike breakers, many of them Negroes. Was not “white supremacy” thus endangered? Ought not something to be done about it? As a result of arguments like this the railway men actually did flock into the Klan in what seem to have been large numbers, and the elections of last spring showed conclusively that they were then still willing to vote for Klan candi- dates. In Emporia, William Allen White’s model town, a Klan candidate was elected mayor over White’s emphatic opposition, the vote running largest in the labor wards. The Klan is said to have canvassed Emporia by means of salesmen who modestly represented themselves as insurance agents.
In justice to labor it is well to bear in mind that this was one of the few instances in which it has been tricked, as a group, into supporting the Klan. The Klan is nearly everywhere


366
an enemy of labor organizations. Even in Kansas it circulated its familiar “ Ti-Bo-Tim” postcard, intended as bait for prospective members, in which it gave as one of its pur- poses, “Preventing unwarranted strikes by foreign labor agitators.” Its attitude in the Kansas industrial towns undoubtedly arose from the fact that labor was already at swords’ points with Governor Allen over his Industrial Court law, so that opposition to Allen was an easy way of getting recruits. But although Allen’s court was destined to be rejected by popular vote in the fall elections and to be denatured by a later decision of the Federal Supreme Court, he held the whip hand in the summer of 1922 and used it.
Governor Allen’s policy was to anticipate strike disorders rather than to repress them after they had begun. At Arkansas City the Klan leaders had hit upon the brilliant idea of parading, in full regalia, in the neigh- borhood of the railway shops as a gentle re- minder to strike breakers of possibly dire consequences if they remained at work. Allen, on being informed of this project, re- quested the mayor to intervene, and on the mayor’s reply that he was unable to do so, announced that he would both halt the parade and remove the delinquent official if the latter did not act. No such parade was held, either at Arkansas City or elsewhere.
But Allen’s most notable contribution to the Klan’s history in the North was the ouster suit which he caused to be filed on November 21, 1922. Although undertaken by Allen near the end of his term this suit has been continued by Charles B. Griffith, a former assistant attorney-general who was elected attorney-general in the fall elections. Griffith has had a capab e assistant in Captain John Rhodes, who has been in direct charge of the case.
The suit took the form of a petition that the Klan be restrained “from holding any meetings, assemblages, or parades, and from appearing in any public places or in any public view with the identity of the members concealed by masks and other trappings, and from fomenting and prosecuting any contro- versies, animosities, or hostilities against other persons on account of differences in race or place of birth or religious or sectarian beliefs or methods, and from issuing any commands to other persons as to the opinions, . plans, theories, or conduct of such other persons, and
Robert L. Duffus
from disturbing the peace and quiet of fam- ilies and neighborhoods, and from interrupting or molesting religious services or members thereof, or any persons meeting or met together for the purposes of worship, or to perform other duties enjoined on them as members of any such religious society, or from disquieting or disturbing in any manner con- gregations or assemblages of people met for re- ligious worship, and from assembling together with the intent to do any of the acts afore- said.”” I have quoted the document at such length because it is, despite its legal verbiage, a good description of what the Klan has done or attempted to do in practically every com- munity in which it has obtained a footing.
The state based its case, first on the declara- tion that the Klan was a foreign corporation doing business in Kansas without a charter; second, that it had adopted and was using “said name, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, for the purpose of intimidation and threats against persons who do not conform to the plans, doctrines, theories, or practices of said corporation and its members”; third, that “the use of the said trappings and masks of concealment have been and are for the pur- pose of concealing the identity of the members of said corporations and preserving their safety and immunity from retaliation and punishment, and for the purpose of intimidat- ing and threatening other persons in order to compel or coerce them to conform to and comply with the opinions, plans, theories, and practices, and to obey the commands and threats of the defendants and of other mem- bers of the said corporation within the state of Kansas”; and finally, “that among the opinions, plans, theories, and practices of said corporation and of said other defendants, and of the members of said corporation not spe- cially named as defendants, have been and are to foment and prosecute controversies, ani- mosities, and hostilities against other persons on account of differences in race, in place of birth, and in religious or sectarian beliefs and methods.”
The testimony taken at the hearings which followed the ouster petition indicated that this indictment was not too strong. In the first place it was shown that the Klan had organ- ized its work in Kansas with a cleverness strongly reminiscent of certain corporation practices of pre-Roosevelt days. Replying to the petition the Klan’s attorneys pointed



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The Ku Klux Klan in the Middle West 367

out that “there are four Klan organizations in which progress is made as follows: first, Klansman; second, Ku Klux, third, Ku Klux ‘Klan, fourth, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.” “A Klansman,” they declared, “is no more a Knight of the Ku Klux Klan than an En- tered Apprentice is a Fel- low Craft; or a Fellow Craft a Master Mason; or a Master Mason a Royal Arch Mason; or a Royal Arch Mason a member of the Lodge of . Perfection; or a member of the Lodge of Perfec- tion a member of the Chapter of the Rose Croix;or a member of the Rose Croix is a member of the Kodosh, or that a member of the Kodosh is a member of the Consis- tory.” Thomas R. Daly, named as one of the de- fendants, had admitted, in a letter which fell into the attorney-general’s hands, that he was a Klansman. Of him the defendant attor- neys said: ‘‘Probably Mr. Daly, the writer of the letter, is a member of the organization known as Klansmen, but, of course, that fact would not constitute him an agent, represen- tative, oremployee of the foreign corporation.”
The legal utility of these subterfuges is clearly apparent. The Atlanta Klan is aim- ing to control, yet to avoid the responsibility foritsacts. If the organization is as its attor- neys described it in this instance it has been devised, with the utmost care, not to obey but to evade the law.
Two Klan agents in Kansas, one of them, Guy Swallow, a former police chief of Topeka, refused to testify on the ground that they “had taken a solemn oath before God”’ not to divulge Klan secrets. In each case a few days in jail led them to submit, but such evi- dence as they gave was delivered reluctantly


CHARLES B. GRIFFITH
Attorney-General of Kansas, who has been an active opponent of the Klan, and whose efforts have made it difficult for the Klan to spread rapidly in his state
and with the obvious intention of helping the investigation as little as possible. Not one of the 150 witnesses who were members of the Klan when called gave their testimony will- ingly or frankly.
It was brought out that Klan officials had advised members to deny their connection with the order. Here is an extract from the testimony of James Burns, an Atchison gun- smith, who was for two months a member:
I was instructed not to tell that | was a member of the Klan [The Organizer told him] “If you are called before any court and have to take an oath, if you haven’t time to notify the secretary, the first Klansmen you meet, notify him and he will notify the secretary, to take your name off the books immediately. Then you are not a Klansman and will be telling the truth.”

368
I says, ‘‘What shall I do if under oath and they ask me?”’. He says: ‘Swear you are not.” I says, “You look at me and see if I look like that kind of man.” . He says: ‘Well, while you are swearing that automatically puts you out, and when you get done that automatically puts you back.”
Another witness, E. A. Simon of Kansas City, Kansas, was asked, “What were your instructions as to what you should say about being a member if ever put on the witness stand under oath?” “I was instructed to deny membership,” was the reply. “The Cyclops said we were members when we were in the lodge hall, but that our membership ended when we passed out of a meeting.” Such was the assistance which these defenders
of “law and order” were ready to render to”
the constituted authorities.
In the mass of evidence taken were other interesting sidelights on Klan characteristics and methods. The principal witnesses, mem- bers or former members of the Klan, sum- moned at Kansas City, Kansas, included a former assistant United States district attor- ney, a former assistant county attorney, two detectives, a veterinary surgeon, a former sheriff, a chief clerk in the office of the clerk of the county court, a farmer, a lawyer, a druggist, and the president of a men’s Bible class. In Salina, Kansas, the known mem- bers included a policeman, a barber, two undertakers, an insurance agent, the sheriff, a printer, a druggist, the postmaster, a grocer, a tinner, a carpenter, a gardener, a sign painter, a laundry wagon driver, and a brick mason.
These queerly assorted groups skated pretty close, according to the admissions of former members, to the verge of lawlessness. A Kansas City attorney, L. S. Harvey, who had aided in the Federal prosecution of radicals during the war, stated that he had withdrawn because he became convinced that the Klan was in violation of the statutes making it illegal conspiracy for two or more citizens to join to deprive other citizens of their constitu- tional rights. A Kansas City clergyman who also withdrew said that he had been threat- ened and believed that the Klan had much to do with the pressure which led him to resign his pastorate. Members admitted that in-
structions were given at Atlanta in methods of disguising the voice and also of giving pun- ishment without permanently injuring the victim.
Robert L.. Duffus
“| was on a committee to investigate a Jew who had moved here from the South,” one witness testified, ““and had been reported to our organization by the secret service depart- ment of the Klan at Atlanta. This Jew had been run out of town down there, and we were instructed to call upon him and keep him moving.” As it happened in this case “none of the committee functioned.” An attempt was made, this time through moral suasion, to “correct the viewpoint” of the superinten- dent of schools in Kansas City, Kansas, who had allowed both Negro and white children to participate in the same school pageant. Special robes were exhibited and it was testi- fied that they were worn by “ Kluxers” sent out to administer discipline.
At Salina, Kansas, the Klan warned and threatened persons “misbehaving.” At Ga- lena threatening letters were sent to two members of the police force, and at Columbus to the editor of a local paper. “Our city government is all right,’’ wrote a citizen of Wellington, “It is strongly opposed to the Klan, but with the sheriff and under-sheriff members of it we feel like we are without pro- tection of the law.” The files of the govern- or’s office at Topeka contain hundreds of letters, some of them scrawled and ungram- matical, but all voicing an honest indignation at the Klan’s conduct and purposes. Neigh- borhood after neighborhood, which had been peaceable and friendly, is revealed in these letters, and in testimony taken in court, as split into hostile groups by the Klan’s arrival. Although actual vio'ence was rare (the whip- ping of the mayor of Coffeyville, who later sued his town for damages, is almost the only notorious instance), communities lived in a state of uneasiness amounting to terror; and the Klans did not scruple to threaten even when they were too cowardly to execute. Of course the situation played upon the nerves of the unstable, who are subject to delusions of persecution, and also gave opportunity for easy revenge to those who had private feuds on hand.
When a man received a letter declaring that his conduct “had proved very unsatisfac- tory,”’ and ordering him to “make a speedy departure from our city” he had no sure means of knowing whether it was a genuine or a spurious Klansman who signed it. Such a letter could, of course, be signed by an individual Klansman, who had access to the







The Ku Klux Klan in the Middle West 369
official stationery, with- out the consent of his possibly more scrupulous breathren. The very existence of the organi- zation encouraged ter- rorism.
In its details the Kansas situation is prob- ably typical of that which exists in other Middle Western states, the main differences being in the degree of success at- tained. The methods employed in Indiana are substantially the same as those employed in Kan- sas, although the greater strength of the Klan in Indiana has made it more arrogant.
Its strength is hinted at by the fact that it suc- ceeded in roping in the chairman of the Repub- lican State Committee, Lawrence Lyons; just as its element of weakness is indicated by the fur- ther fact that Mr. Lyons later resigned and re- pudiated the Klan in a scathing letter which re- ceived national publicity. The Klan is said also to have made overtures to the chairman of the Democratic State Com- mittee, although there is at this writing no positive support for the rumor that this gentleman also listened to the siren song. At present it is politically dangerous in Indiana to be either a known member or an out-and-out enemy of the Klan.
The Klan first showed its hand in Indian- apolis last fall, when it suddenly appeared in the November elections, and acting generally under cover caused the defeat of several can- didates, among them nominees for state auditor and for clerk of the supreme. court, who were Catholics or had otherwise incurred the ill-will of the Invisible Empire. The Klan has secured a firm foothold in the county offices of Marion County, which includes the city of Indianapolis, and from this point of

CAPTAIN JOHN F. RHODES
Attorney-General Griffith’s assistant who has direct charge of the case against the Klan in Kansas
vantage has been carrying on a vicious war- fare against Mayor Lew Shank. Its weekly newspaper, 7 he Fiery Cross, sold on the streets in strident competition with Tolerance, the organ of the American Unity League of Chicago, contains the usual hodge-podge of political and religious propaganda. Chal- lenged to make good its claims to being repre- sentative of “law and order” it has brought in detectives who catch an occasional boot- legger or saloon keeper, not a member of the Klan, and turn over the resulting evidence to the county prosecutor. As the Klan refuses to coéperate with the city police officials its efforts have not been conspicuously successful in “cleaning up” Indianapolis.
In Indianapolis the Catholic, Jewish, for- eign, and Negro elements are strong enough,




Courtesy the Rocky Mountain News
PHILIP S. VAN CISE District Attorney at Denver, Colorado, whom the Klan attacked because
of his energy in pushing an investigation of the order. to remove him from office, but were unsuccessful a
if they combine, to defeat the Klan in any election. The real power of the organization lies in its secrecy. An overt act, which might be seized upon as an issue by its opponents, would, in the opinion of most liberal citizens, be its death blow. In the meantime it serves to create friction between Christian and Jew, native and foreigner, and holds the door open to machine rule and corruption. More and more its resemblance to a sheeted Tammany increases.
At Muncie, Indiana, two hours’ ride from Indianapolis, the Klan has shown itself, not only willing to condone violence but also dis- posed to overawe the constituted authorities. The organization came out in the open at Muncie in the fall of 1922, gave public lec-

Robert L. Duffus
tures and held oneor two parades. The little city had no foreign or Negro problem, and its labor was largely domestic. Casting about for something to do the Klansmen seized a Negro boy accused of flirting with white girls, carried him to the woods, warned him, and turned him loose. A more serious escapade was an attempt to kidnap a local editor, radically opposed to the Klan, who in the resulting scuffle shot and probably wounded one of his assaillants. The would-be kidnappers fled, taking the supposedly wounded man with them, and the mayor of the city, a respected local physi- cian, set police detectives on the trail. Two members of the force were thought to have the guilty men under surveillance when mysterious opposition developed, complaint was made that the police had “‘talked too much,” and the mayor was forced by political pressure not only to halt his in- vestigation but to discharge the two men who had been active in it. Lately, local observers be- lieve, the Klan’s power is ebbing at Muncie, and although its membership is probably as large, or nearly as large, as ever, it is not taken quite so seriously. In Nebraska the Klan made relatively early appear- ance, and organized “dens” in Omaha, Lincoln, Hastings, Sutton, McCook, North Platte, Fremont, Grand Island, and Nebraska City. But although Omaha has had a Negro problem, and was the scene of a desperate race riot, the Klan did not catch on there. Mayor Dahlman forbade parades, and one Kleagle, at least, gave up in despair and retired from the scene with all his records. The reason for such comparative failures is difficult to find. Every book agent knows that some communities are “easy” and some “hard,” although in appearance the “hard” and the “easy” may be as like as two peas. Doubtless the Klan encountered the same mystery. Apparently, also, it had hard sledding wherever it went into regions where anything like the pioneer American spirit
They tried




Ss! =. - OEE OE OS
er SP ome i




The Ku Klux Klan
survived. This accounts, possibly, for its relative failure in Western Kansas, in Col- orado, and in most of the region lying between the Missouri River and the Pacific coast.
In Denver, Colorado Springs, Boulder, and Longmont the Klan made strenuous efforts to organize in 1921 and.1922. In Denver, in June, 1921, it announced to the world:
We are a “law and order”’ organization, assisting at all time the authorities in every community in upholding law and order. Therefore we proclaim to the lawless element of the city and county of Denver that we are not only active now, but we were here yesterday, we are here to-day, and we shall be here to-morrow.
“| know the names of some of the men of this order,”” Mayor Bailey announced, a year later, after receiving a threatening letter, “and | regret to say that some of them hold high official position in the city of Denver.” In reply the Klan held a picturesque initia- tion, near Estes Park, at which ceremony re- porters saw several hundred candidates bap- tized “with water from a large goblet.”
Following the receipt of a threatening letter by a Negro named Ward Gash the grand jury at Denver ordered an investigation of the Klan, which, it was found, had been mas- querading as the Denver Doers’ club. Here, as in the more extensive Kansas inquiry, at least one man refused to testify on the ground that his oath as a Klansman was more sacred than his duty as a citizen. The inquiry gave the Klan some unpleasant publicity, although it resulted in no punishment except the fining of the reluctant witness for contempt of court. It also led to an abortive attempt to recall the district attorney, an energetic young man named Philip Van Cise, who had been active in pushing the investigation. This spring Mayor Bailey, although he received more votes than any other candidate, was defeated for re-election by the operation of the prefer- ential voting system. The strength of the Klan and its sympathizers in Denver, which was thrown against Bailey, was estimated at about 3,000 votes—not enough to carry a candidate or a measure, but influential in a close contest.
The city of Chicago has been, and is, a battle ground between the Klan and its op- ponents. Here are the principal headquarters of the American Unity League, publishers of Tolerance (of which | may have mure to say
in the Middle West 371
in a concluding article) and also of the pub- lishers of Dawn, a Klan weekly edited by a former employee of the Unity League. The Klan influence in Chicago politics is relatively insignificant. In the primaries of last April it is thought to have polled, or influenced, about 20 per cent. of the total vote; but in the city council it holds not more than two out of fifty seats. Mayor Dever, a Catholic with the support of union labor, had the honor of being attacked in scurrilous pamphlets sup- posedly issued by the Klan, but his expected vote was not seriously diminished. Shrewd onlookers believe that the order has “taken its licking” in Chicago so far as an open challenge to political power goes. This gen- eralization may be overhasty as long as it can muster a solid and disciplined minority.
Much has been made of the Klan’s successes in Oregon, where it supported a school law requiring all children between eight and six- teen years of age, after September 1, 1926, to attend the public schools. This measure was avowedly aimed at the Catholic parochial schools. Governor Ben W. Olcott, who op- posed the Klan and the bill, was defeated in last fall’s elections and Walter M.. Pierce, who had the Klan backing, was elected. Klansmen in Oregon, as in California and other states, were suspected of what Governor Olcott characterized as “felonious assaults and unspeakable outrages committed under the veil of the dark.”’ Governor Olcott had called upon all good citizens to “ give support to the proper law enforcement arms of the Government in this movement against masked riders or cloaked and disguised figures who unlawfully skulk about on secret missions for unknown ends.” But the vote in November, 1922, cannot fairly be called a vote for law- lessness. The movement for compulsory school attendance seems to have originated, not with the Klan but with the Masons, and to have been aimed originally, not at the Catholics, but at illiteracy and defec.ive edu- cation in general. This movement was taken over by the Klan, with the result that the Klan and the Masonic orders were generally (although doubtless unjustly) assumed to be in partnership.
The Klan leadership in Oregon is closely allied with certain of the electric light and power corporations, and it is common gossip among politicians that it was organized, or encouraged, as a counter-irritant against re-



© Underwood & Underwood
WILLIAM E. DEVER The new mayor of Chicago.
seriously diminished.
form movements which might impair the corporate interests. The effect of its victory was greatly weakened by a split in its ranks, which ultimately led to the formation, outside the Klan but composed of Klansmen, of what became known as the Federated Patriotic Societies. Disgruntled members. of these orders freely accused the parent -order of. cor- ruption, and almost as freely admitted their own political or economic self-interest. As an organized political power, Oregon observers believe, the Klan is already past its prime.
In California, especially in the Sacramento
Although he is a Catholic and was scurrilously at- tacked by the Klan in Chicago before his election, his expected vote was not The Klan is not strong politically in Chicago. seats in the City Council it controls but two
Robert L. Duffus
Valley and around Los Angeles, the Klan has been powerful, and has brought about in some localities a veritable reign of terror. But in Cali- fornia, as in Oregon, a split has developed, nu- merous outrages, one of them resulting in the death of a constable who had gone out with a raid- ing party of Klansmen, have alienated public opinion, and the order is probably on the decline.
As this is being written the Klan is making a ser- ious effort to surround the city of New York, the head and front of most of the influences in
America which it de- tests. It is active in suburban Connecticut,
in New Jersey, on Long Island, and in up-state New York, and has an- nounced its intention of contesting the law re- quiring secret societies to make public their mem- bership lists, which was passed at the last session of the New York state legislature. Early in June the Klan, with its sister order, the “Kamelia,” filed an application for incorporation in what is undoubtedly an attempt to evade the new law.
There is no doubt that the Klan, like every other political organization in the country, is already making plans to figure in next year’s presidential elections. If Henry Ford is nominated it will probably support him. If no presidential issue is raised in which it can take sides it will “knife’’ Catholics, Jews, and foreigners in both parties.
In a concluding article | shall essay the réle of prophet and will also attempt to measure the Klan by certain classical standards of Americanism.
Out of fifty
Mr. Duffus’s concluding article on the Klan
will appear in the World’s Work for September






WHAT I AM TRYING TO DO
Why Now is the Time to Get a Permanent Motion Picture of Untouched Africa. Some of My Plans for Photographing Natives and Wild Animals, and How I am Going About It
By MARTIN JOHNSON Photos copyrighted by Martin Johnson
The American Museum of Natural History has interested itself in Mr. Jobnson’s photo- graphic records of African wild life and has taken upon itself the task of providing a file in which the films can he kept permanently on record. The following letter signed hy the president of the Board of Trustees of the Museum gives his carefully weighed opinion of the importance of Mr. Jobnson’s work:
“In the worldwide effort to gather knowledge and first hand information regarding the vanishing wild life of the world, Martin Johnson has already shown what may be done by photography. The unique photographs of his first African journeys accomplish a double purpose: they give us a price- less record of what actually still exists; they make an irresistible appeal that this beauty and fascinat- ing interest of the intimate natural life of animals shall not be destroyed. The American Museum of Natural History took a very unusual step in endorsing these films and photographs, not only because of their beauty and truthfulness, but because they give a message needed the world over. In.the coming second journey to Africa, carried out as planned in the same spirit of conservation, will be rendered a service of greatest scientific value in the field of natural history. The double message of such photography is, first, that it brings the aesthetic and ethical influence of nature within the reach of millions of people who are otherwise forever debarred from such influence; second, it spreads the idea that our generation has no right to destroy what future generations may enjoy.—HENRY FAIRFIELD OSBORN.”
N A few more weeks my wife and I will be on the way to Africa again—this time for the biggest effort of our seventeen years in the tropics. | have crossed the South Seas with Jack London in the
Snark. With my wife I have photographed cannibals in the Solomon Islands. We have penetrated 400 miles into the interior of Borneo to photograph the wild life of that great but little-explored island. We have spent two years in the African jungle and on the African plains among the countless thous-*
ands of wild animals that still are to be found there. And in our wanderings we have learned many things about animals and men, about guns and cameras, about heat and the difficulties of the trail. During all the time we have been hunting and photographing, we have been going through a sort of tropical school. Now we are about to start for Africa again, to spend five years in the interior, and all the things we have learned—all the ex- periences we have had—are going to prove in- valuable. All our difficulties, all our troubles,



DOWN THE KURABATANGAN RIVER IN BORNEO
Mr. and Mrs. Johnson penetrated over 400 miles into the interior of Borneo and brought out a motion picture of life in the wilds
FLOATING
all our mistakes in the past have been care- fully analyzed, in order that we may profit from them on this next
Martin Johnson

before the natives and the wild animals have
disappeared. In the next five years we can accomplish the task. In a few years more than that wild Africa—fascinating Africa— will be but a fading memory.
We are planning to shoot nothing. There are situations that will undoubtedly arise in which we will be forced to shoot—to protect ourselves—to secure food—to secure for scien- tific purposes some new animal unknown or little known to science. But our purpose— our prime purpose—is to photograph Africa and the inhabitants of Africa—to photograph them as they normally exist—to photograph them in their wanderings, in their play, in their migrations and their congregations—in their natural relations to each other and to the world in which they live. Thrills in plenty we will have—and | hope we’ll photo- graph many of them—but they are incidental toour main purpose, which is tosecure a truth- ful, accurate, complete, and interesting pic- ture of Africa as it is—not a picture of “The Adventures of Mr. and Mrs. Martin Johnson.”
I]
FRICA is not a “dark” continent. In the days of Stanley and Livingstone that expression was coined, and the only thing it ever signified was that white men did not know what they might find in the vast interior.

expedition—for we are going to spend five years making motion pictures in the wilds, and we will bring back with us a vivid portrayal of un- touched Africa—a_pic- ture of the beauties of the last of the great con- tinents to be explored—a picture of the natives and the animals as they live their lives all but un- touched by civilization— unaffected by the worries of the outside world. We will get a picture that will be a record for a thousand years to come, of Africa as God made it, before the white man

. . AMONG THE CANNIBALS OF penetrates further into
its beautiful wilds, and



MALEKULA
Seven years ago Mr. and Mrs. Johnson visited the New Hebrides ana the Solomon Islands and made motion pictures of the cannibals that still are to be found there





1 ( @ <P
In ne ng ot
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mon here




What I Am Trying to Do
375

*
La ze c % i
Bt Se a. mi : 1 pres
4

al iv a?
NAIROBI A modern city in British East Africa, with pavements, taxis, hotels,
and two daily papers.
To any one who has seen the wonderful views across the peaceful plains, who has seen Mt. Kenia rearing its stately three-peaked crest into the clear blue sky, who has seen a score of different species of wild animals coming in hundreds or in thousands to the water holes to drink together in peace, who has exper- ienced the wonderful silence of the jungle at daybreak, or who has listened to the weird sounds that break the silence of the night, who has worked with the happy child-like natives, and lived with them in their un- spoiled country, who has experienced the thrill of safari—no such person can think of Africa as “dark.” Instead it is a world apart—an Arcady of all but flawless perfection—a land of peace.
But it is also a land of courage, where the stately animals and the handsome natives are peaceful not through fear. Undisturbed they are tranquil, but they will turn upon the transgressor if they are threatened, or if they believe they are threatened, and then life is cheap in Africa. But the tales of animals
Mr. Johnson will outfit his “safari” at Nairobi
bent always on destruction, that attack with- out provocation, that are vicious by nature, are mostly baseless fabrications, or have been brought out by hunters who were not ob- servers. No doubt men have been attacked —and will be again—who consciously have given no cause for attack. But few authentic stories are to be found of animals bent on kill- ing for the joy of killing alone.
Carl Akeley, for instance, has been twice terribly mauled—once by a leopard that he had wounded, and once by an elephant that he was tracking—but he is as certain as | am that both animals would have gone their way peacefully but for their very proper impression that they were threatened.
II]
O IT is into this Africa that we are going, and it is this Africa that we are going to picture. And this is the way we are going to do it. On our last visit to “British East” we penetrated, by an indirect route, 1,300 miles


Martin Johnson





MRS. JOHNSON AND A GROUP OF PORTERS IN CAMP


or so from Nairobi, which is on the railroad into the surrounding country in search of that connects Mombasa, on the east coast, material, and here we shall develop our films, with Lake Victoria Nyanza. On this long and be at home to callers, if any find us. trek we found a lake, So extended a time perhaps unknown, as we plan to spend heretofore, to white requires that we have men. It is shown on all the comforts of a i no map | have ever real home, for upon seen, and even long- one’s physical condi- time residents of Nair- tion depends one’s obi had never heard of ability to make the it. So beautiful is the trying side trips and spot, so wonderful is the patient hunts for the view, and so per- the animals we wish fect the lake that Mrs. to photograph. Johnson named it Our first task will be Paradise. As the crow to build a log house, flies it is perhaps 800 and to instal all the miles from Nairobi be- photographic equip- yond that semi-arid ment that we require, district called the for the heat demands Kaisoot Desert. that we develop our

: A BLUE MONKEY Here we shall build films as we expose
our base camp, and here we shall live for them, and, too, there are many ways to get most of the five years we intend to stay. bad pictures and only a few to get good From this base we shall make our journeys ones. So we want to see what we have

What I Am Trying to Do
taken in order to know whether or not the work must be done again.
With us at Lake Paradise we will have one hundred porters, for we must be more or less constantly in touch with Nairobi in order to get the regular shipments of photo- graphic supplies that we shall require and that have already been ordered shipped periodically so that we may have fresh nega- tives and chemicals that have not “gone bad.”
With us, too, we shall have cattle, pigs, sheep, and chickens, for we do not want to have to kill game for food any more than is absolutely necessary. And already | have arranged for a black “ boy” who has been trained as a gardener in Nairobi to go with us in order to keep us supplied with garden truck. For a year or so we shall have two Hindoo carpenters and a-Hindoo plumber, and | will be electrician and will instal a lighting plant,
ZEBRAS AND-AN ELAND
377
for the proper developing of negatives de- mands plenty of clear, filtered water, and printing requires electric light. For hurried and connortable trips across country where they can be used, we shall have three of the sturdiest automobiles we can find, with bodies carefully de- signed to carry cameras, beds, and all the countless necessities that photo- graphie work in the wilds requires. We shall have ten per- sonal “boys” for gun bear- ers, camera porters, and the like—men of higher intelli- gence than the hundred or- ‘ dinary porters—and ten
professional porters for the careful tasks of transporting other delicate equipment.
Draft and pack animals will be useful for many tasks, and I am planning to have a number of mules, oxen, and camels. In “British East”’ these animals are not expen-
MR. AND MRS. JOHNSON WITH THEIR SAFARI
Travel in the wilds requires many porters, for often it is necessary for the men to carry all the supplies.
pounds is the usual load for a man.
Sixty
Mr. Johnson plans on having 100 porters and 20 men for special jobs














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fos Tine A Se











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A MERU TRIBESMAN ,
sive. | shall buy ten camels, for instance, for $70—$7 each. The mules and oxen will cost more. I am also planning on experimenting with zebras for ‘‘saddle- horses.”
Our camera equipment is to be composed of both motion-picture and still cameras—ten of each. Three of our most impor- tant cameras will be of the type designed by Carl Akeley for just such work as we intend to use them for. There are no better cameras for wild- animal work than these which were designed by Mr. Akeley after he had learned the weaknesses of other cameras. Two of these will be mounted together, one to be turned at the usual speed of 16 exposures to the second, while the other, operated by the same crank, will make 64-exposures to the second. When operating this machine, then, two pictures are made at the same time and with one set of controls, the only difference being the speed of the exposures. It is by this means that “slow movement”’ pictures are secured, for when these two films are pro- jected the first shows the motion as it ap- peared to the eye, while the second, being projected at one fourth the speed at which it was taken, shows any moving object mov- ing, apparently, much more slowly, making
Martin Johnson
it possible to study details of motion that the ordinary camera cannot show. For the scien- tific study of animals this equipment will be exceptionally valuable.
Another motion-picture camera will be fitted with four lenses of different focal lengths, all mounted in much such a way as similar groups of lenses are mounted on high- power microscopes. The mounting will be permanent and very heavy in order to elimin- ate vibration. With this equipment it will be possible to change from a short- to a long-focus lens, or the reverse, in a fraction of a second. Many times | have failed to get some striking photograph because of the time consumed in changing lenses.
Long-focus lenses are notoriously hard to use, but fortunately I have had years of experience with them and feel confident of my ability to handle them. These deli- cate lenses make it possible to photograph animals at 150 or 200 yards in such size on the negative as to make them appear to be
A KIKUYU WOMAN
With her baby and a load of ‘‘ mealies”
A MERU WARRIOR


What I Am Trying to Do
A MERU WARRIOR
The ostrich feather ball on the point of the spear signifies two things—first, that he has killed an os- trich (not a simple task, by the way, for ostriches are wary and fast) and second that he is at peace


Another bit of equipment that | have worked out is a great tripod fifteen feet high on which three cam- eras can be mounted, one above another. | have found that ani- mals are not afraid of a light structure that they can see through, but I have had some trouble when | have built blinds large enough to hide two or three cameras, for such a blind is quite large enough to give the animals the im- pression that it might be cover for a lion. The result, of course, is that they give it a wide berth.
The electrically op- erated cameras can also be started by
within twenty or thirty yards. Most animals will not be frightened by a camera operating 150 yards away, and will often go on with their ¢razing or their play after being a little startled as the sound of the camera first reaches their ears. The image through these lenses is as clear as the average lens would register at an eighth or a tenth of the distance.
Another series of cameras will be operated by electric motors run from storage batteries and can be started and stopped by a button on a wire led for almost any distance. With such a camera placed in the open where the animals graze, and watched from a blind ora tree hundreds of yards away, we will undoubt- edly secure pictures that we never could get if we were forced to operate the camera by hand. This equipment will also be valuable for use in jungle glades, in order to secure pic- tures of such rare animals as the okapi and the bonga, which are timid and are seldom seen.

A TURKANA CHIEF
These people wear the hair of their ancestors plas- tered to their own hair with clay in a sort of beaver- tail effect. It is very heavy and hard

A MASAI WARRIOR
the breaking of a thread stretched across a trail. Animals almost invariably tra- vel along game trails —paths worn in the grass of the plains. To mount a camera cov- ering such a trail and to stretch across the trail a thin black thread is not difficult, and the camera can be left for a day ata time, with the proba- bility that sometime an exceptional photo- graph will be taken. With this equipment | can already imagine myself impatiently wondering, as I de- velop the exposed film,



Martin: Johnson

MERU WARRIORS
what sort of an African citizen has so accom- modatingly taken his picture for me.
Flash-light pictures are, of course, not diffi- cult to secure. But once the flash explodes the animal waits for little more, and the camera hunting for that night is likely to be ruined. As an experiment, however, | am taking with me some magnesia flares. These burn for 30 seconds, or a minute, or more, depending upon their size, and while | admit that the chances are that most animals will bolt at the first sign of light, it may be that some curious individual may wait for at least a few seconds to see what it’s all about.
But there is one plan that I have made that 1 am particularly anxi- ous to try. | know of a plain where elephants often congregate, but on which there is no cover. Now elephants are not difficult to pic- ture at a few hundred yards, but | want to get some close-ups. Neither do I want to have to shoot any, as Mrs. Johnson and | have been forced to do when we have ventured so close as to make them think we were dangerous, for once an elephant herd has been fired at—particu-

A TELEPHOTO PICTURE OF HIPPOPOTAMI
larly after elephants have been killed—they grow exceedingly wary.
My plan is to build a very heavy steel cage with room enough inside for me to have the space to operate a camera. In the top of the cage will be a sort of cupola built of heavy iron pipe, and in the top of the cupola will be a trap door, that will lift up. This cage I shall bury in a hole dug for it in some strategic point in this elephant-infested plain, so that only the cupola will be visible. Early in the morning | shall enter the cage with my cam- era and when the ele- phants put in their appearance from the trees at the edge of the plain | shall spend my time hoping that some of them wander my way. In case they do 1 shall be able to op- erate the camera from an almost invisible spot, and in case some sus- picious fellow charges me | shall be able to disappear into my bur- row out of harm’s way. 1 doubt if any of them will try to dig me out. If they do, I’ll have to fall back on my gun.
There are countless other things that | have prepared or planned, for a five-year excursion is more than a camping trip. |








expect to use, for instance, about 60,000 feet of nega- tive a year—ten miles of it. One doesn’t need much imagination to understand that a lot of equipment is necessary in order to do the work satisfactorily. In addition, we will be equip- ped with ‘‘still” cameras carrying long-focus, wide- angle, and portrait lenses, the last being for native portrait work. Further- more these cameras will be so designed that strings can be used to operate them, either by hand from a dis- tance or by contact of the animals themselves.
The heat that we shall encounter necessitates a great deal of care in trans- porting our goods. Most
What I Am Trying to Do

JERRYMANI AND A LEOPARD
Mr. Johnson’s gunbearer and ‘head*man.
He is always happy and good natured and
has a fortunate faculty of keeping the “boys” in a good humor
381
of the cases for perishable goods will be built on the fireless cooker principle, and while the outside may be so hot as almost to burn one’s hand the inside will remain at the temperature at which it was packed.
IV
() UR idea is not to wait
until the five years is over before we release any of our pictures. We plan on sending out two pictures before we finally return with a third.
The first picture we shall send out will be of the life of the natives. For that we have-already in- mind several of the finest natives that we. have seen. It is our purpose to show them


Fe
MRS. JOHNSON AND A GROUP OF MERU NATIVES
The tall man at the left of the front rank is Songo, around whom Mr. Johnson plans on building a motion picture of
native life. He is a ‘tale bearer’ —that is, a carrier of news, who travels from tribe to tribe with the news and
gossip of the countryside


382
in every phase of their life—their home life, their dances, their hunts, their religious ceremonies, and all of it will be pictured around Songo the Tale Bearer, a fine spec- imen of the Meru Tribe, who travels from tribe to tribe—Kikuyus, Wakambas, Borans, Turkanos, and Samburus—to tell of the news, the hunts, the gossip in which they are all interested. He is any African Homer of the present-day—a tropical bard—a “dark”’-con- tinent newspaper, and a perfect specimen of African manhood.
The second picture will probably be called “African Babies” and for it we shall make every effort to secure pictures of scores of different baby animals and pictures of young- sters among the tribes we visit as well. To the person unacquainted with Africa it will be an education in itself, for every animal’s young are playful, and some are almost as full of fun as kittens. Baby elephants, baby lions, baby gnus, baby giraffes, baby every- thing play, and with the playful children of the happy natives added, the film should be a jolly, happy picture of “dark” Africa as the younger citizens view it.
AN AFRICAN LANDSCAPE


Martin Johnson

CHEETAH
The cheetah is neither true cat nor true dog.
He has feet like a dog, and a head like a cat.
He is harmless and lives mostly on birds, is
easily tamed, and is sometimes used as a hunt- ing dog
Vv
RR seventeen years | have been wandering here and there in the tropics, and for fourteen years Mrs. Johnson has been with me, photographing the strange and interesting things we have seen. But neither of us is content with thinking of the things we’ve seen or the pictures we’ve taken. What we’ve done is done, and while we feel that we have done something to create a better understand- ing of the out-of-the-way spots we have vis- ited, we are not satisfied that we have done our best. To us what we have done seems now as if it were a course of training, and now we want to do something better, something more valuable, and more permanent. If it is not done now it will never be done, and so it is that this expedition is being financed.
But to tell the whole truth, the thing that appeals to one most is Africa; the wonderful days in the jungle and on the plains, the weird night sounds, the trumpeting of elephants, the breaking branches as they feed among the trees. | look forward to the camp fires and the singing porters after the day’s work is done. I want to see Jerrymani, my head man and gun bearer as he comes up into the circle of light around the fire and tries to still his almost chronic laugh while he salutes and asks “Order, Bwana?”’ I want once more to see little old wizened Japandi, who actually



Sv Sel OS we VS OS ON UWS
Se he tt ee ee
i


What I Am Trying to Do
weeps with delight if one pats his shoulder and commends his work. I want to see Ka- varandi. and N’garo and Omar—the best porters that ever were—as they lower their burdens after a long day’s march. And | want to listen to the jungle noises—to the roar of a lion in the distance, to the cry of some night bird, to the chant of contented natives, to the far-off scream of a leopard. And I want to go to sleep again in the vast bedroom of Africa, knowing that the world is peaceful and that Mohammed, our old watch- man, is sitting at his camp fire, contented and full of stomach, to watch while Bwana and Memsahib sleep.
A GLIMPSE OF LAKE PARADISE
It is beside this lake that Mr. and Mrs. Johnson will build their permanent base, and it is here that they will spend most of the next five years. Lake Paradise is about 800 miles, as the crow flies, from Nairobi

383


MRS. JOHNSON AND A TEAM OF GREVEY ZEBRAS Two months before this photograph was taken these zebras were wild.


They
are hardy, and are immune to hoof and mouth disease and the tsetse fly



MAKING CROOKED PROMOTION
UNPROFITABLE
What the Post Office Department is Doing to Prevent the Operations of
Crooked Promoters and to Punish Offenders.
The Texas Oil ‘‘Boom’’
and Some of the Companies That Have Been Forced Out of Business
By HARRY S. NEW
Postmaster-General of the United States
N ITS campaign against the crooked pro- moters who disturb confidence in all securities and undermine the esteem in which citizens hold the Government, the Post Office Department has been instru-
mental in the indictment of ninety-two in- dividuals in Texas, who, it is estimated, have had a hand in fleecing something like two million people out of more than $140,000,000 in the last five years. The Department of Justice has three experienced Special Assis- tants to the Attorney General, in addition to the local United States Attorney and his assis- tant, engaged in the trial of these cases in Texas and has detailed a special Federal Judge to assist in hearing them. Within eight weeks after the returning of the indictments by a Federal Grand Jury at Fort Worth, the first of these cases had been tried and the two promoters of the General Robert A. Lee Development Interests had been convicted of fraudulent use of the mails and sentenced to ten years in the Federal penitentiary and fined $15,000.
Such satisfactory sentences for those who conceived and carried out this bold-face fraud should cause others who prey on the savings of the people of this country to pause in their nefarious operations and weigh the possibili- ties; and the two-year sentence of the self- styled “General” who was the figurehead in this case should be a warning, to all who are tempted by the Get-Rich-Quick Wallingfords to lend their names to deceive the public.
As pointed out in the WorLp’s Work Jast month, these Texas indictments are but the first fruits of an active campaign of the Post Office Department, working with the full coéperation of the Department of Justice, to put the fraudulent promoter out of business. One immediate result of this campaign is

evident in Fort Worth in the amount of pro- motion literature that is going out through the mails. The grand jury which returned these indictments—the largest number ever re- turned in promotion fraud cases at any one time—sat for six weeks, from March 12th to April 2oth, listening to evidence presented by the corps of post office inspectors dispatched to Texas to clear up this evil.
For months:before that the mailing of pro- motion matter from the Fort Worth post office had been growing enormously. It was the last of March that it reached the high- water mark. Much of it was in the form of oil journals carrying the promoters’ advertise- ments. In the last week of March twenty of these publications were mailed as third class matter—known as permit mailings—and dur- ing that week 329,723 pieces of such mail went out. In the first week of May, following the indictments, only eight of these papers were left, and the mailings had dropped to 58,152 pieces.
In March there were also ten oil journals enjoying the second-class privilege. Their mailings during the last week amounted to 36,494 pounds. Due to the lack of advertis- ing, or more directly due to the indictments, two of these ceased publication, and the mail- ings of the other eight fell to 12,207 pounds. This does not include the papers and other promotion matter that went out in one-cent wrappers, or the bulk of the promoters’ cir- culars that went first-class, all of which fell off proportionately. This means that credulous people throughout the cquntry are now receiv- ing much less oil promotion literature from Texas than they did.
Another reason for this radical reduction in promotion matter emanating from Fort Worth has been the active use of the fraud order



f


Making Crooked Promotion Unprofitable 385
authority by the Post Office Department. The crooked promoter fears the fraud order as much if not more than he does criminal prose- cution. It stops his operations and cuts off his revenue immediately. For as soon as a fraud order is issued he can no longer receive his mail; it is returned to the senders stamped “Fraudulent,” and no money order made out to him will be paid. This makes it useless for the promoter to send out any more literature. It puts him out of business at once.
This effective measure is being used against all of these promoters who are found to be using the mails fraudulently. Scores of them have been cited to appear at Washington be- fore the Acting Solicitor of the Department, Mr. H. J. Donnelly, and show cause why fraud orders should not be issued against them; and already a number of such orders have been issued after careful consideration of the evidence adduced at the hearings before the Acting Solicitor.
THE PETROLEUM PRODUCERS ASSOCIATION
FRAUD order was issued against Dr. Frederick A. Cook and his Petroleum Producers Association, and when an-attempt was made to evade the effect of this order by notifying stockholders to send further pay- ments to F. K. Smith, an associate of Cook’s, the order was quickly extended to cover that name also. It was used in the case of the “General” Lee Interests; the Pilgrim Oil Company and its three trustees, who were operating a merger scheme similar to Doctor Cook’s, and against Fred L. Harris, alias Frederick L. Haskins, who was trading on the established reputation of the well-known syn- dicate writer, Frederic J. Haskins, in publish- ing promotion papers which pretended to give disinterested advice about oil stocks but were designed to promote the.sale of his own worthless securities. Fraud orders were also issued against the Independent Oil News, The News “2,000 Acre Club’”’, New Royalty Club, and the International Investors’ Bul- letin, of Fort Worth and Dallas, Texas—all promoted by Harris. ae The operations of the Revere Oil Company and the Dixie Royalty Company were also found to be fraudulent after a formal hearing before the Acting Solicitor, but the issuance of fraud orders against these names was with- held on account of the appointment of re- ceivers for these concerns, the receivers agree-
:
ing to return promptly to senders any re- mittances sent in payment of stock. But the promoters of these concerns also operated under the names of the Kosse Gusher Syndi- cate, Kosse Gusher Lease Pool, Roco-Moran Syndicate, Mayflower Oil Co., Guaranty Lease and Royalty Co.; International Broker- age Co., and the Eastern Trust & Mortgage Co., at Fort Worth and Dallas, and fraud orders have been issued against these names.
Up to the time of the writing of this article the Department has also issued fraud orders against the Mexia-Gibraltar Oil Company, The Texas Trust Company, The One Dollar Oil Club, The Two Dollar Smackover Lease Club, and the Kosse Double Royalty Club, all of Fort Worth, Texas.
THE SOLICITOR’S USE OF FRAUD ORDERS
VEN more effective use has been made of
the fraud order proceedings by the Solici- tor’s office of the Department in its efforts to protect the public from the depredations of these swindlers. Seldom is it possible to re- cover for the investor any of the ill-gotten gains of the swindler. The issuance of a fraud order stops him from getting more money. His subsequent trial and conviction may put him in jail to pay the penalty for his crime, and keep him from operating a new fraud scheme for some years. But his “suckers”, as he calls them, have little chance of getting back any of the money they have parted with under the spell of his appealing propaganda. In Texas, however, we have been able to stop some fraudulent promotions in less time than it would have taken to hold fraud order hear- ings, and in one case it has been possible to bring about the restoration of a good part of the money fraudulently taken from the public. The details of that case, without the names, show how effective this arm of the Govern- ment can be at times in safeguarding the savings of the people.
On April 4th, a promoter purchased at the Fort Worth post office ninety thousand twelve-cent stamps. That caused an in- vestigation to be started at once. Those stamps were used to send out ninety thousand fake telegrams by special delivery mail. The envelopes in which they were mailed were printed to resemble closely Western Union envelopes. The message within, on a fake telegraph blank, was a hurry-up call of the promoter designed to secure from the ad-


386
dressee at least twenty-five dollars. It was dated 5:30 p. M., two days later than the date of its mailing. A quick investigation by two post office inspectors and an attorney from the Solicitor’s office disclosed that this promoter had previously mailed a series of five circular letters to more than one hundred thousand persons throughout the country. These let- ters were on the letterhead of the First Na- tional Bank of a small town in Texas, and were signed by the cashier of that bank. In the first of these letters the banker said he had been cashier of this “old reliable First Na- tional Bank” for fifteen years, that he was a conservative business man and banker and slow to advise any one to invest unless he felt that their investment would turn out profita- bly. In subsequent letters and circulars there was unfolded an “absolutely safe plan’”’ for making some quick money for investors; a profit of ten for one in about sixty days, with much larger profits to follow. The reader was to be permitted to come in on the ground floor of a so-called pre-organization plan and share in the big organization profits to be derived from the sale of stock be- longing to the ground floor syndicate. He was advised that he was not “ buying stock”’ but was helping to organize his own company, which was going to “sell stock”’ to the other fellow. He was assured ten for one on his money “oil or no oil” by participating in what was in fact to be a game of selling worthless stock to the “other fellow.”
It was stated that they would secure leases on one thousand acres in one of the counties of Texas, between two certain wells, and two hundred acres in the Smackover field, Arkansas. The investigation disclosed that the acreage in Texas was worthless. It was, in fact, about midway between the two wells, but they are twenty-two miles apart and both of them at that time had been in course of drilling for more than a year and had struck no oil. There was no oil in that whole county according to the best geologists. The bulk of the acreage to be secured in Smackover was found to be eight miles from any production and while these promoters claimed they were to pay $150 an acre for it, it was known that acreage could be secured in that vicinity on drilling contracts; that is, any one who would agree to put down a well on the land would be given a lease for it.
The investigation showed conclusively that
Harry S. New
this was a fraud scheme. A citation was therefore prepared calling upon the promo- ters to show cause why a fraud order should not be issued against them, and Mr. C. W. Hassell, the attorney from the Solicitor’s office, accompanied by Post Office Inspectors Swen- son and Switzer went to see the banker in whose name this scheme was being carried on. They found that he had been induced to permit the use of his name and the name of his bank on assurance from the promoter that the scheme was legal in every particular. The banker himself owned the thousand acres in the Texas county and was to receive $10,000 from the company for the lease of this tract and $5,000 additional for his services. He had signed a contract with the promoter employing the latter “to act in the capacity of broker to raise $200,000.” It was stipu- lated in this contract that the promoter was to use a series of five.letters and one telegram, “copies of which are hereto attached and which bear my O. K.’’—(the banker’s). And it was provided that the promoter was to get 25 per cent. of the gross amount of money that came in.
When Attorney Hassell and the two in- spectors called upon the banker they showed him a copy of the citation setting forth the charges to be filed against him, and stated that they were ready to serve it on him at once. He voluntarily elected to immediately direct the postmaster to withhold further delivery of his mail, and two days later he went to Fort Worth, conferred with his attorneys and his associates, and the following day filed a permanent order directing the postmaster to return to the writers, stamped “ Refused,’ all mail held or thereafter received addressed to him. He also filed an affidavit that he would refund all money in his posses- sion to the remitters and would make restitu- tion to all investors in so far as he was able.
This scheme, during the few weeks that it was operated, took in something more than $125,000. When the mail was stopped, about a week after the ninety thousand fake tele- grams went out, the money was pouring in at the rate of $5,000 a day.
Unfortunately, however, the promoters of most fraudulent schemes do not so readily lay down their arms as this banker-stool- pigeon did. It therefore behooves inex- perienced investors to learn the earmarks of fraudulent promotions so that they can pro-



Making Crooked Promotion Unprofitable
tect their own savings from them. By use of the fraud order, the Post Office Depart- ment can effectively end such swindles; but not until proof of fraud is secured. By criminal prosecution the fraudulent promoters can be made to suffer the penalty for their crimes, but not until the damage is done.
The Government intends to keep so actively on the trail of these law-breakers that crooked promotion will become unprofitable. But until that happy time arrives, inexperienced investors should study the methods of these unscrupulous promoters and learn to avoid them as they would the old shell game at a fair. They are just as sure to lose their money if they don’t. To help in the educa- tion of such investors, it might be well to tell of some of the things the investigations in Texas disclosed.
The evidence upon which the issuance of the fraud order was based in one of the “merger” schemes shows that from the be- ginning of the operations of the promoter, in March, 1922, to the time of his indictment this spring, the stockholders of more than three hundred earlier oil promotions had been approached by him and the “merger” of those companies by his concern announced. In his zeal to accumulate stockholders lists this promoter employed a number of “scouts”’ to travel regularly about the country in search of companies whose lists might be acquired. In many instances officers or trustees of in- active companies approached him and sold their lists to his institution. The prices paid ranged from $50 to as much as $2,000 in a few cases. In rare instances was any property acquired with these lists. In nearly a hundred cases the names of stockholders were secured and “mergers” announced without the con- sent of the officers of the companies involved. He wrote all these stockholders urging them to save the loss of their previous investment by exchanging their holdings for stock in his concern, always on the condition that they invest an additional amount in cash of at least 25 per cent. of the face value of their old holdings.
A DECLARATION OF TRUST
HIS concern was a trust estate, like most of the other Texas promotions, and the promoter was the sole trustee. Under his dec- laration of trust, filed four months after he started business, he was given the right to sell
as much stock as he wished and at such prices as he saw fit. He had absolute power and full control over the company’s affairs and it was specifically provided that he might do anything with its assets that he deemed neces- sary or advisable. For his services he was to receive one eighth of all gross funds received.
| wonder how many people would have invested in such a concern if they had known of these provisions in the declaration of trust. And how many would have invested if they had known that what they were going to get was non-transferable receipts, no mention of which was made in the literature, and that the only quotations for the stock were fictitious ones made by prearrangement with a few brokers, including employees or associates of the promoter himself? Why people persist in taking stock-selling promoters at their word and swallow their misrepresentations without investigation, is a mystery.
The literature represented this concern as a strong, successful organization with an in- come from producing wells equal to a yearly dividend of 25 per cent. on all outstanding stock. An audit of the company’s books made by Mr. H. B. Matheny, special bank accountant of the Department of Justice, showed that up to January 31, 1923, the total of all receipts from the sale of oil and returns from royalties for the nine months period of operation was just $2,810.39. At that time there was outstanding approximately $2,500,000 of stock and two dividends of 2 per cent. each had been paid to stockholders, amounting to $30,073.95. They were paid out of the proceeds of stock sales. A total of $438,408.42 had been received from that source. Most of it had gone for lists, for operating expenses, and for dividends. On January 31st, when the stockholders were expecting another dividend, which, at 2 per cent., would have called for $50,000, there was only $5,660.77 cash on hand. The pro- moter, for some reason, did not get his one eighth out of this promotion; but he made use of the funds of the concern and its large office force, which for a time worked in two shifts, day and night, to produce literature for other promoters, and out of these the in- spectors estimate that he got $230,000. He received 50 per cent. of all the money he lured from investors for these other promotions; that was better than one eighth from his own.

388
These “merger” companies were interested in acquiring mailing lists not in merging com- panies. The evidence shows that the stock certificates sent in were filed away and for- gotten. More conclusive evidence on this point was unearthed by the inspectors in connection with the Revere Oil Company, which is now in the hands of receivers, and whose promoters are under indictment. A certain one of the ninety-two indicted men, sold to the Revere Company for $300 the stockholders list of the Alpha Oil & Refining Company. The Alpha had no assets, but this man went out and bought a lease from a lease broker for $50 and had it made out direct to the Revere. Then he had a bright idea. He went to a list broker—which by that time had become a regular business in Fort Worth— and bought the stockholders list of the Cul- berson’s $5.00 B:11 Syndicate for $10. He then created, in his mind, the First National Producers’ Association, had some cheap stock certificates printed and some cheap letter- heads. He then wrote to the stockholders of the Culberson’s $5.00 B:11 Syndicate, using a fictitious name, and telling them that al- though it had been impossible for him to make money for them in the Culberson Syndicate, he was now going to give them an equal amount of stock in the First National Pro- ducers’ Association, which was going to make money. He mailed these letters in one-cent envelopes. They were held at the post office for more postage, and as he could not be located, because of the fictitious name, they were never delivered. Meanwhile he went to the Revere people and sold them this new stockholders list for $300. The Revere pro- moters then sent out their regular “merger” letter, offering to merge the First National Producers Association. It went to people who had never received any stock certificates in that imaginary company.
HOW THE MONEY DISAPPEARS
HE course of another stockholders list that went into the Revere ‘‘merger’’ shows how little chance the public has in these pro- motion propositions. Another one of the in- dicted men, was the organizer of the Dorado Oil Syndicate, a trust estate. It had leases all
Harry S. New
over Arkansas. He sold 2,400 shares at $25, $37.50, and $50ashare. With the money he bought in his name a lease near El] Dorado and another in Texas. He drilled on these two leases and got two wells in Arkansas and two dry holes in Texas. He owed the Ar- kansas driller $5,000 on a note and the latter attached the oil from the two wells. Then the promoter sold his producing lease to another man for $12,500, made him trustee of the Dor- ado Oil Syndicate, and departed for California. The new trustee sold the producing property to Dallas people for $30,000 and turned the worthless leases over to the Revere Company along with the Dorado Oil Syndicate stock- holders list.
These Texas investigations have to date covered nearly two hundred cases, and as a re- sult of them it can be written in large letters for the education of the public that at least 50 per cent. of all the money paid for Texas oil promotion stocks goes to those who write the literature, supply the “sucker” list, and send out the promotion material. Out of the re- maining 50 per cent. the inspectors estimate that only 5 per cent. goes into drilling for oil. This should set at rest the fallacious argument that this campaign will restrict the production of oil. Far from it. We are conserving the resources of the people so that more money is made available for legitimate exploitation and development. We are after the stock seller, not the man who is honestly seeking production.
If we put the promotion swindlers out of business, there will be more money for the honest driller who wants to prospect for new fields. As a matter of fact the stock- selling promoters ordinarily do not drill in purely wild-cat territory; they usually get cheap leases in a section where there is or was production somewhere near that they can talk about. The way they flocked to Kosse after one well came in there for 15,000 barrels, due to a geological freak, and went dry in about a month, shows how active they are in searching out new fields. They are still telling their dupes about the “Great Gusher at Kosse,” and are acquiring leases there, although 50 dry holes have been drilled around this dead “ gusher.”’

THE HUMOROUS SIDE OF ARCTIC EXPLORATION
Laughable Incidents That Break the Monotony of the Hard and
Dangerous Work Above the Arctic Circle.
The Eskimos’ Sense
of Humor, and Some Amusing Anecdotes of Northern Life
By DONALD
AN’S popular conception of the Arctic is a great white land of drifting snows, biting winds, starvation, and possibly death. This is the picture drawn by the early explorer—a true one—and necessarily such by all who have attempted to attain Farthest North, the conquest of which de- manded years of experience, of patience, of toil, of resourcefulness, and of infinite detail in plan. Common sense, however, dictates that there must be a certain kind of pleasure derived from the work or man would not con- tinue to harness his dogs and disappear over the northern horizon. Not only pleasure at the time in pitting one’s self against the ele- ments of nature, deep snows, terrific winds, thin ice, high pressure ridges, extreme cold, and burning sun—and winning out, but re- miniscences on the return home of the laugh- able and amusing incidents of our various trips.
Such began on the North Pole trip with Peary even before we left the foot of East 23rd Street, New York City. Upon my re- turn on board ship following a busy day about the city purchasing supplies, | was greeted by Charlie, the cook, with the words: “Your room mate has been here. Here is his card.” To my amazement the card read “Colonel H. D. Bomp.” The distinguished title wor- ried me considerably for | could not imagine myself spending a year or more in a closet, for such my room was, with a colonel! All the anticipated pleasure of the trip was gone. | had lost my enthusiasm. As | afterwards learned, my real room mate, George Bomp, and his father, the colonel, had been down and upon being informed that I was not on board ship they left the colonel’s card. Before leaving the ship George inquired of the cook as to whom he was to room with, and received
MACMILLAN
the shock of his life upon being informed that it was Professor MacMillan! A few days later our mutual fears were allayed when we met in a little room, | to learn that he was but a good-natured boy in temperament and he considerably relieved to find out that | was not a “Professor”’.
For several days prior to our departure reporters were as bad as the heat—always present. Some one of the crew inadvertently mentioned the fact to one of these scribes that we had no reading matter on board for the long winter nights. Here was an oppor- tunity for real service. In the next morning’s issue this fact was called to the attention of the kind people of New York. That afternoon a stream of books was flowing down East 23rd Street to the Recreation Pier, carried by young, middle aged, and old, and even trucks. It was the most cosmopolitan library ever assembled, for there was everything, with one exception, from a Nick Carter to a classic and that exception a Bible—not a one.
The men for’ard and aft filled their shelves. The haycock of books on the dock looked as big as ever, and there it remained through the night. The next morning Peary appeared. When his grey eyes lighted upon that chaotic and nondescript mass of literature he stopped short. His red mustache fairly bristled as he exclaimed: “Who in Hell sent those books?” No one knew and if he did he dared not con- fess to the “Wanted Books for the Roose- velt!’”’ in the press. A few hours later we received orders to put them on the quarter deck and the whispered information: “We'll throw them overboard when we get out to sea.”
The happy thought occurred to us that we might dispose of them among the poor whites and fishermen of Labrador, who clamor in- cessantly for reading matter from every pass-




ing ship. No one was more happy in testing the truth of that familiar quotation: “It is more blessed to give then to receive.’’ Upon hearing that familiar query, “Have you any books, sir?’’ the men exchanged sly winks and beckoned the boatman to the side of the ship, who encountered such a deluge of books and bundles that in consternation he grabbed his oars and rowed wildly away fearing that we were attempting to sink his boat.
We were prepared for the Arctic in more ways than one. We had letters of in- troduction to the people at the North Pole! These were sent to us by a society in the West whose membership consists of men and women who sit in the dark and see things at night. They were regular correspondents with people at the Pole and had kindly informed them of our future arrival. The Polar inhabitants had promptly thanked the learned society for this interesting bit of in- formation and had signified their intention of being out on the ice to meet us. Let- ters of introduction followed giving us the names of the King and Queen and the proper mode of salutation.
Some of our canned goods of 1908 had been packed away in the after lazaret in 1905. It occurred to Charlie Percy, our cook, that it would be a good idea to make use of these as quickly as possible. He summoned Billy, the galley boy, from the forecastle and ordered him to go aft and get ten cans of corn. In doing so it was necessary for Billy to pick his way gingerly over a narrow plank lying on the surface of several tons of extremely old whale meat. Billy’s feet flew out from under him and he sat with a splash in the quivering jelly-like mass.
When Billy, some ten minutes later, ap- peared in the doorway with his arms full of

DONALD B. MACMILLAN, DR. SC., F.R.G.S.
Formerly a college instructor, who joined , one of Peary’s expeditions, in 1908, and has house lot, big enough, he been exploring most of the time since then. said, so that his neighbors
From 1920 to 1922 he was commander of ‘ . . % the MacMillan Baffin Land Expedition COuldn’t look into his win-

390 Donald MacMillan
canned goods, Charlie’s nose reared up on its hind legs and with a searching look, he de- manded a can of the corn. Very gingerly he applied the can opener, holding the innocent and perfectly good food at arm’s length while Billy stood at attention wondering how to get out of the cabin without presenting a rear view to his commanding officer.
Charlie crooked his arm slightly, and detecting no odor, dared to hold his nose to the edge of the tin. A bit relieved he ordered another tin and went through the same operation of opening and smelling. Billy was still holding his position of “front”. The cook looked at the tin and then looked at Billy. The tin was elim- inated. “Billy, is that your” yelled Charlie. The boy did not await orders to retreat but bolted through the door. That afternoon he told the crew that he would buy another pair of pants when we reached Etah, North Greenland, not realizing that Etah was two or three holes in a hillside and not a respectable sized town as many think!
Eventually we reached the northern shores of Grant Land and went into winter quarters at the edge of the Polar Sea. One of the crew declared that he had always wanted toown some land and immediately went on shore and staked out a double
dows.
Work began with a rush and continued throughout the winter. On the November moon Peary ordered me to proceed to Cape Columbia for a series of tidal observations. On this trip | had as companions two Eskimo boys, their wives, and a sailor by the name of Jack Barnes. Rabies is of very common occurrence among the Eskimo dogs of the Smith Sound tribe. With bloodshot eyes,




nen we ea SS aS lS lS ee



The Humorous Side of Arctic Exploration 301



THE “BOWDOIN” FROZEN IN THE WINTER OF 1921-22
This is the ship on which Mr. MacMillan made his last Arctic trip. The ship’s hatches, as the photograph shows, are protected by snow igloos in order to retain the warmth
dropped lower jaw and tail, such dogs wander aimlessly, snapping at every dog within reach of their jaws. One showing symptoms of this disease we slipped from harness to protect our other dogs. Throughout the night he charged. repeatedly out of the darkness into the midst of the two teams. Jack was very much alarmed and clearly manifested his fear in every movement, clutching the upstanders of the sledge, stepping lightly on his toes, and peering anxiously into the gloom.
It has often been said that the Eskimos are stolid, that they are anything but humorous, that they do not appreciate a joke. Quite the contrary, they see the funny side of every- thing. Eging-wah had been watching Jack for some time chuckling to himself at his ap- parent: hysteria. Slowly he crept up behind him and with a terrific growl grabbed the white man by the seat of the pants! Jack went up like a rocket and landed with chatter- ing teeth on top of the load with eyes darting in every direction anticipating another attack. The Eskimos shrieked with laughter revealing to the crestfallen sailor that he had been the victim of a practical joke.
| may say here that a dog with Piblockto as it is there called, is not feared in the least. | have never known a man, woman, or child to be attacked by a dog in this condition.
Finally we reached our destination, built
our snow home, and settled down for ore month’s tidal observation.
Living so intimately with the Eskimos one naturally has the opportunity of learning much in regard to their language, which by the way, is exceedingly difficult to learn owing to the fact that it is polysynthetic and agglutina- tive. The key to the language is “Kanok atinga?”’ or “ What is its name?” One may learn the Eskimo name for all material ob- jects by the use of this phrase.
| discovered one night that the rising heat from our oil stove had melted a hole through the roof of our snow house. Pointing to the hole | inquired “ Kanok atinga?’’ One of the girls promptly replied ‘‘Oop-sha-sul-nee-eye’’. | jotted it down immediately-in my note book kept for that purpose, spelling it phonetically, followed by the word “hole”. A few days later | happened to tear the knee of my bear skin pants on the corner of an iron strapped biscuit box. Embodying my newly learned word in the sentence | requested Too-cum-ah, one of the two girls, to get her needle and thread and sew up the hole in my pants. She burst out laughing as did the other girl. Finally, but only after repeated inquiry as to the cause of their merriment, one ventured to reply: “ You asked me to take my needle and thread and sew up the snow hole in the roof of your pants!
392 Donald
“What do you call such a hole?”
“ Keed-la.”’
“What is a hole in the ground?”
“ Poo-too,”’
“What is a hole in ice?”
“That is another word.”
“What is a hole in ivory?”’
“That is another word.”
“What is a hole in iron?”’
“That is another word.”
“Now listen,” | added, ‘‘I do not want any of these words. I want to know the simple word for ‘hole’. She thought a moment and replied: “There isn’t any such thing. lf it is a hole, it is a hole in something or it wouldn’t be a hole!” -
Our work at this station was upon tides. Jack Barnes, the Newfoundland sailor, and | alternated in our watches every six hours. It was generally necessary to call Jack twice and even three times to arouse him _ thor- oughly. To my surprise, one day | barely
touched him, using the words “Come on, Jack,” when he fairly jumped out of bed. Noting the bewildered and disappointed look on his face | inquired: “What’s the trouble, He grinned sheepishly and replied:
Jack?”



SHOO-E-GING-WA An Eskimo girl, and her pet puppy
MacMillan
“When you touched me | was dreaming | was in my bunk at the foot of East 23rd Street in New York and Cody stuck his head in the cabin and yelled: ‘Come on Jack, let’s go up the dock and get a drink’!”’
The night before Thanksgiving I told the Eskimos of the observance of the day at home. As they were particularly interested in the large amount of food consumed | promised them a bit extra for the day. It didn’t seem like much of a dinner, a tin cup of tea, eight small crackers, and a third of a can of corn each. I wondered what we could have as an extra. | happened to think that the cook had placed in my box a frozen jar of cran- berries. Then | had visions of a cranberry pie such as | had seen in bakers’ windows with the crossed straps and red squares. Just how to make that pie was a problem with no flour and no oven, but Thanksgiving was not Thanksgiving without a pie. | pounded and ground up the crackers as well as | could, poured them into a tin with a little water, and stirred up the mess, which looked very much like chicken feed. I knew | must have shortening and also knew that it must be some kind of grease. In my kit box | found a tin of what | thought was musk-ox tallow, heated it up and poured it all into my mixture. It now presented a slippery appearance. | spread it on the bottom of a tin plate and dumped on the cranberries. With a spoon 1 dribbled the straps across the top first one way then the other. It really had a very good resemblance to a pie.
The oven was quickly fashioned from a ten- gallon oil tin. Some fifteen minutes or so following the lighting of the stove, | heard a sizzling and a sputtering. To my consterna- tion the grease was boiling up through the top of the pie and dripping over the edge of the plate. My red squares had disappeared, my pie was of a uniform yellowish appearance. It was evident that it would never become hard by baking, therefore why not freeze it? 1 dropped out through the hole in the floor of the igloo and crawled along the snow passage to a snow bank near the entrance and there buried my pie.
In the evening, following a drama enacted on our snow bed in lieu of a stage, | served the pie to the delight of our Eskimo friends who were loud in their praises of the new dish.
On the December moon we started on our return journey to the Roosevelt ninety miles

The Humorous Side of Arctic Exploration
to the eastward at Cape Sheridan. The men on board ship took special delight in enumerating the delectable dishes which Charlie, our cook, had prepared for Thanksgiving and ended the list with the inquiry “What did you have?”’ “A cup of tea, crackers, sweet corn, and a pie.”
“Where did you get the pie?”
“ Made it.”
“What did you use for flour.”
“Crackers.”
“Where did you get your shortening?”
“Used a tin of musk-ox tallow.”
Our doctor sat reading across the ta- ble and with an amused look repeated “What did you use?”
“That tin cube of musk-ox tallow | found in my box.”
“That wasn’t musk-ox tallow. that in there for frost bites. tube of boric-acid salve.”
“It was a very good pie neverthe- less,”
Our Eskimo travelling companions were so much interested in daily notes that | endeavored to teach Kood-look-to some of the letters of the alphabet. It was amusing to watch him writing up the account of the day’s work, but embarrassing for me to be called upon to read what appeared to be the mental debauch of a typist.
As we travelled along the north Greenland coast one day with Kood-look-to and Kio-tah far in the lead | noticed near a spot of blood- stained snow the letters drawn with a whip stock “ RM E4M”. I hadn’t the faintest idea what the Eskimo tried to convey, and drove on. That night in camp the Eskimo turned to me with the inquiry, “ Did you see that letter | wrote?” “Yes.” “What did it say?” Asa compliment to his chirography and to encour- age him in further work it behooved me to translate that Sanskrit. There was blood on the snow. There was an Arctic hare in the spot. It was easy. With confidence | re- plied, “Kood-look-to has killed a rabbit.’’ “Nearly right,” exclaimed the astonished and highly delighted Eskimo, “One mistake, Kio- tah has killed a rabbit.”
I put It wasa
Following my return from the northern point of Greenland, Peary ordered me to proceed to Greely’s old headquarters in Lady Franklin Bay known as Fort Conger. While
A SUN BATH WITHIN
The short summers of the North are very warm, and this youngster, sitting in the sunlight, needs no protection from the cold, although he may from the mosquitoes. This picture was taken as near the North Pole as
12 DEGREES OF THE POLE
Panama is to the Equator
there in June the snow began to melt from the ground revealing refuse of all kinds, among which | noticed a length of telephone wire and one mouthpiece. I explained to my Eskimo boy that in my country that wire went over the tops of poles to a great distance and that we talked through that wire, and that a man far away held his ear up to the end of the wire and heard everything we said. The boy was very much interested and inquired as to the particulars of the construction which I supplied as well as I could. My tidal watch was up and | went to bed in one of the small huts. Upon awakening several hours later to my astonishment | beheld a rudely con- structed telephone line stretching across the grounds for some two hundred yards. The Eskimo had constructed his five-foot poles by splitting boards taken from the main house. Around the top of each pole he had twisted the wire, and hanging to one end was the old mouthpiece. Holding this to his mouth he yelled something in Eskimo, dropped it quickly, and sprinting to the other end of the wire held it to his ear. He con- cluded that he wasn’t quite quick enough, and tried it again with flying hair and with the same unsatisfactory result. Detecting my nose projecting around the corner of the door-







A CAPTURED POLAR BEAR CUB
way, he instantly discontinued his experiments and with a laugh declared that he knew I| was lying, for no man could talk through a wire without a hole in it!
Jack, the sailor, was a keen sportsman. The Eskimo knew it. While Jack was off watch and asleep Kood-look-to placed three dead ducks in a most life-like position on the edge of the ice across a wide crack. With strings through the mouth he had pulled back the head and neck and there they sat in the warm sun resting comfortably after an ardu- ous day of diving for shell fish.
As soon as Jack awoke the Eskimo lost no time in communicating the fact that there were three fat ducks right in front of the house. Jack beamed all over as he filled the magazine of his .22 Winchester. Cautioning us not to alarm the quarry, our ardent game getter dis- played an example of stalking which | have rarely seen equalled, much to the amusement of the Eskimo convulsed with laughter and holding both hands to his mouth. Bending low, on hands and knees and on his belly, he crept ever closer through the rough ice ad- joining the shore until sure of his bag, he fired. The ducks sat there imperturbed, enjoying their rest and the warm sunshine. A new experience—perhaps they were deaf, thought
Donald MacMillan
Jack. He fired again and was astonished beyond measure to note that they still sat there but a few yards away looking him right in the eye. Following this third shot he jumped up from his place of concealment and ran towards them wondering if he had killed all three successively. Standing at the edge of the crack he looked across the narrow strip of water at the three ducks still unafraid. He waved both arms. No movement. Wear- ing a foolish look on his bewildered and grimy face he trudged back to the house with the words:
“Where is that damn Eskimo?”
This same Eskimo astonished Captain Bartlett some two weeks later upon our arrival at the ship. No native of the Smith tribe speaks English, but a few know a few expressions which they repeat parrot-like and at times with startling effect. The sailors were busily engaged in hoisting the quarter boats to the davits. One stuck in mid air due to a twisting of the fall. Bartlett stamped impatiently and rolled out a few very strong Anglo-Saxon words. The Eskimo looked over the rail at the boat, looked sym- pathetically at Bartlett, took his pipe out of his mouth, spat on deck, and said in a most nonchalant way, “Too dam disgusting!” Nothing ever quieted the captain so effec- tively. He was speechless with surprise for about a minute.
On our return trip when in the pack ice of Kennedy channel we frequently encountered seals in the open pools. Each man ran for his gun and all blazed away in chorus. This was.a common practice among our Newfound- land seamen, and one which was not at all dangerous to the wild life of that region. Following such a fusillade one day, and tke jibes and laughter of all on deck, all were startled by the words from the sky “Damn fool, waste ammunition!” The comment cf old Oo-tah from his vantage seat up in the crow’s nest at the top of the mast.
The fifty-year old Erik was charted to trans- port our expedition north in 1913. Every ship has almost as distinct a personality as man or woman. Some are honest and above board, others tricky and treacherous. Some you may depend upon to be consistent under certain conditions, others are as uncertain as the winds. Some are lean, small boned, delicate, and cadaverous looking; others are round, portly, and ponderous in bulk. The





The Humorous Side
Erik was of the latter type, with head up, chest out and shoulders thrown back she labored slowly with asthmatic breath, her lungs wheezing and bitterly complaining over her long journey.
On the starboard bow, sunning themselves on a pan of ice, we could see a herd of walrus. Knowing that we had but little meat for our dogs the captain, a Scotch-Irishman, and as portly as his charge, turned to me with the inquiry, “Would you like those walrus?” Upon receiving my answer that we certainly would, without any preliminary warning such as “half speed”’ or “slow’’, he signalled to the engine room “stop!” To the engine-room force this meant nothing less than rocks or an iceberg under our bow! The red-faced two- hundred-pound engineer clambered up the iron ladder, shoved his head up through the engine-room hatch, glared at the captain and yelled at the top of his voice, “ You'll blow her up!” and instantly disappeared to see how much of the order he could safely obey. The old Erzk went sedately on as if determined to reach the Pole. The crest-fallen captain in command of his first steamer, with a puzzled look on his face, looked at the water over the side and noting but little change in speed, anxiously asked, “ What kind of a ship is this that they can’t stop herr” Panting with her
of Arctic Exploration
395
exertions she finally slowed down, but far beyond the walrus.
The four years at Etah, north Greenland, were the four shortest years of my life, due to the fact that we were in new surroundings and had many novel and interesting and laughable experiences, in fact, far too many toenumerate. Upon seeing several dog teams headed toward our house from across the harbor, the cook, anticipating a hungry crowd, filled the oven with cans of frozen beans. Not all of the cans were used, some were left in the oven and forgotten. While our Eskimo servant girl was engaged later in the day in sweeping the floor of our big living room, there was an explosion followed by a shower of beans! Servant girls have left without the formality of giving notice in this country, but never more quickly than ours did that day in Greenland. The beans were still sticking to the ceiling when we departed for home in 1917.
In the spring one of my men sledged routes from village to village for the purpose of get- ting a few motion pictures. In the absence of a dark room he conceived the idea of fashioning a “changing bag”’ out of blankets, large enough for him to crawl into bodily and there fill the motion-picture magazines with. fresh film. When in the bag and standing erect he might be taken for almost anything





A POLAR BEAR NEAR ETAH, NORTH GREENLAND Etah, the metropolis of northern Greenland, consists
of a few burrows in the
hillside and little else



306
but a man, especially among the Eskimos, who are very superstitious and “see things at night”’ and this is what a fat old dame in one of the villages beheld when she emerged from her tupik unsuspecting and not prepared to receive callers. Automatically her jaw dropped with the raising of her arms. She emitted a frightful yell and fled to the hill back of the village. It took some time to convince her that she had not actually seen old Torngak, the great Evil Spirit of the North.
In the spring of 1915 I planned to cross Melville Bay on the January moon. My traveling companion was a Dane in charge of Rasmussen’s trading station at North Star Bay. He who controls trade is a king in the tribe and has everything but the power of life and death and in the old days even that. Nothing of importance is done without his permission. Just as we were about to leave, the Dane exclaimed, “Oh! vait one moment blease!”” Returning a few minutes later he calmly said, “Vell, | have married them.” “Married them! What did you say?”
“Vell, he said he vanted her and | said, ‘All right.’ Now ve vill go.”
In crossing the bay in low temperatures, | noticed that the Dane experienced consider- able trouble in dressing in the morning en- deavoring to stand in the nose of his bag while doing so. I suggested that he. place his clothes at his feet in the bottom of the bag at night and dress in the bag. As | had no bag but slept in the snow, Peary method, | always prepared breakfast. At my call: “All out” | noticed quite a commotion in Peter’s
bag, a rising and falling of the ponderous folds
which he was accustomed to use, attended with considerable grunting. All was quiet for a few seconds and then | heard in a most disgusted tone, “Oh, my Gott, | have my pants back side on, you know!”
The soft coal used in our stove at Etah quickly clogged our stove pipe with soot. Job, our cook, conceived the idea of cleaning it by gently lowering a sounding lead from the top of the chimney to the connection on the back of the stove. Green volunteered to do this and in the dark clambered to the ridge pole with the coil of line and heavy lead. Green was as humorous as Job was practical and possibly was intentionally careless in his
Donald MacMillan
handling of the weight. Unsuspecting Job, standing in the kitchen listening patiently for the sound of the patent soot cleaner, re- ceived the shock of his life when the eight pound lead crashed through the back of the stove and landed heavily upon the floor!
The cook not knowing that the line had broken rushed for the door, threw his head back, and yelled up into the darkness: “For God’s sake, don’t do that again!”
- Job Small, my mate, who has accompanied me now on three trips, is a typical Cape Cod character, quaint, philosophical, and at times very pessimistic, but so much so that he is not depressing to his associates, but is instead a source of enjoyment, strange as that may be. Some twelve miles south of Etah we sat in front of our tent looking out upon the walrus grounds, for we were busily engaged in ob- taining our winter’s meat supply. Back of us was the talus slope rising gently from the water's edge to the vertical face of the cliff above, furnishing an excellent breeding ground for the dovekie or little auk. With a rapid whirr of their short wings they shot down over our heads to the sea and disappeared far off shore in search of shrimps for their young, apparently ever busy day and night.
Job intently watched the disappearance of each flock and seemed particularly interested in the rapidity of their flight. Finally re- moving his pipe from his mout!: he ejaculated, “They ain’t got long to live going that way!”
“What makes you think so, Job?” I in- quired.
“Did you ever see an elephant walk?”
I nodded.
“God knows how long they live! Did you ever see an eagle up inthe sky? Notadamn flop to his wings. They live to be a hundred, I guess. Did you ever see a turtle walk? | dunno. They sleep all winter, they say.”
He sat there musing for a few minutes, then turned to me and said: “I’m going to bed,” and off he went to the tent evidently to test his theory of “ How to live to be a thousand”’, namely, don’t move too rapidly.
Such incidents during the day lighten the hard work of sledging up over glaciers at fifty and sixty below zero, working through and over the rough ice of the Polar sea and trudg- ing through deep spring snow on the home- ward journey in June.




1e Ly id E- e-



VIVISECTION AND ANIMAL WELFARE
Millions of Cattle, Horses, Sheep, and Swine Yearly Saved from Suffering and Death by Humane Scientific Research
By ERNEST HAROLD BAYNES
HEN the opponents of
medical research, in the
name of Humanity, seek to
abolish vivisection, they
seem to ignore the fact that they are striking at a practice which is funda- mentally humane. One “vivisector’”’ working in his laboratory will prevent more suffering to animals than all the officers in all the ani- mal rescue leagues in the United States put together, and, as will be shown, this is an absurd understatement of the facts. And here is no reflection on the animal rescue leagues, whose splendid work I have noted and admired in many cities. I am merely comparing vivisection with activities some- what more familiar to the public and ad- mittedly laudable.
At this point | wish to state that for the purpose of this article | shall use the word vivisection in the sense in which it is used by the antivivisectionists in their endeavor to prevent all experiments on living animals. To be more specific, | accept the following definition given by the vice-president of The New England Antivivisection Society in the latest pamphlet (1923) issued by that body. He says: “The term ‘vivisection,’ as origin- ally used, implied the cutting or dissection of a living creature in way of experiment as dis- tinguished from treatment, but the term has now by general consent been extended to cover all experiments upon living animals for purposes of scientific investigation, or for any purpose other than treatment, even when such experiments involve no cutting operations of any kind.” The italics are mine.
Let us try to look at this question from the viewpoint of some person who has at heart nothing but the very best interests of the animals themselves. -When “dumb crea- tures” are sick and suffering what are they to do? When horses have glanders or dourine, when cattle are afflicted with tuber- culosis or blackleg or foot-and-mouth disease, when sheep have anthrax, or swine have hog cholera or dogs have rabies or hook worm—
what can they do about it? They have no physicians or boards of health; they do not know the nature of their diseases nor the means of preventing or curing them. They cannot even discuss their troubles with one another or with other animals or with men. They cannot come to their own relief. Left to themselves all they can do is to suffer and die, one by one or by millions as the case may be, and left to themselves that is exactly what they do. Now, if they are to have relief from their sufferings; if their diseases are to be pre- vented or cured and their lives lengthened, it is evident that the relief must come from out- side. By the process of elimination we find that it must come from man. Since man cannot communicate with them, to discuss his plans or to ask or receive consent, it is evident that he must use his own judgment and act as he thinks best for the welfare of his stricken fellow creatures. This point settled, he approaches his task.
Let us imagine an ordinary case, in which he is confronted with a deadly disease of whose nature he knows little or nothing. Thousands of animals are suffering and dying from it, and in some mysterious way it is being spread to thousands of others. Before it can be checked he must find out how it is spread. Perhaps he suspects that it is being carried from sick animals to healthy ones by insects. There is one way to find out if he is right— he must permit a few healthy animals to be bitten by insects which have previously bitten sick animals. By doing this he may condemn those healthy animals to sickness and death. It is an experiment for a “ purpose other than treatment,” therefore it is vivisection. Being a man acting as an agent for those animals, has he a right to try it? Would man himself consider it right that healthy men should take such a chance in the interest of their fellows? Turn back the pages of history and let us see. At the close of the Spanish-Amer- ican War in 1898 a deadly disease, yellow fever, was rife in Havana. Surgeon General Sternberg appointed a commission consisting



398
of three doctors—Reed, Carroll, and Lazear— to find out how the disease was transmitted. At that time there was no animal known to be susceptible to yellow fever, and as ex- periments must be tried, human volunteers were called for. A number of men, including all the members of the commission, responded, and submitted to some most distressing ex- periments, which yielded only negative results. It was suspected that the disease was carried by mosquitoes and in order to find out if this were true, some of the volunteers allowed themselves to be bitten by mosquitoes which had previously bitten yellow fever patients. Those so bitten came down with yellow fever. Lazear and another man died,, and Reed barely escaped with his life. But they found out how yellow fever was transmitted, and thus furnished the basis for an intelligent campaign during which Havana was cleared of mosquitoes and consequently of yellow fever. Since then and by similar methods in other places, this disease has been practically abol- ished. Those few men suffered and died, and by so doing saved many thousands of their fellows from suffering and death.
Now it is admitted that a man is justified in risking his life for the chance of saving one fellow being from a fire or from the ocean, how much more then is he justified in risking it on the chance of saving ten thousand of his fellows from disease. And if he takes such action when it seems to be for the best in- terests of bis own kind, as agent for the ani- mals who cannot act for themselves, should he not see to it that a few of them are sacri- ficed when it seems to be in the best interest of their own kind? All people having great

Ernest Harold Baynes
responsibility for the welfare of animals be- lieve that he should do this, and because they act on this belief, millions of animals are saved annually from suffering and premature death.
Of course no one claims that these experi- ments are carried on solely for the purpose of keeping the animals well and happy; but the fact remains that they are kept well and happy and none the less so because their wel- fare means prosperity to our livestock indus- try and more food for a hungry world.
The modern scientific method of dealing with disease in animals was developed by Pasteur, whose wonderful investigations fi- nally led up toa crucial experiment by which he undertook to prove that he could success- fully vaccinate sheep against anthrax, a dis- ease which was devastating the flocks and herds of France and also causing great loss of human life. The test was begun on May 5, 1882, at the Pouilly-le-Fort farm near Melun, and Pasteur’s reputation hung on the result. A large crowd of farmers, veterina- rians, doctors, and others gathered for the event, and most of them were sceptical to say the least. Fifty sheep were used in this ex- periment. Pasteur inoculated twenty-five of the sheep with his protective vaccine. On May 17th, he gave the same animals a second protective vaccination. The other twenty- five were not vaccinated. On May 31st he declared the twenty-five vaccinated sheep “protected’’ and the unvaccinated ones “unprotected.” Then he gave all fifty a full strength inoculation of anthrax virus. By June 5th, he predicted, all the unprotected sheep would be dead and all the protected sheep would be alive. He did not have to


REGARDING VIVISECTION THESE PIGS ARE NOT “ON THE FENCE”

Scientific research has developed many methods of disease prevention, and many herds of
hogs are healthy and contented because of methods of prevention discovered through vivisection






ng by fi- ch $S- is-
nd
ay ar he \a- he ay »X- of Jn nd ‘y- he ep 1es ull By ed ed

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Vivisection and Animal Welfare 399


THE BENEFICIAL RESULTS OF VIVISECTION
These sheep are four months old, and average 68 pounds weight. They have been kept free of stomach worms, a common sheep disease, and other troubles because research has pointed out preventive methods and cures
wait even that long for his results. When he arrived at the farm on June 2nd, twenty-two of the unprotected sheep were already dead and the other three were dying. All the vac- cinated animals were in perfect health. The sceptics were convinced, France rang with Pasteur’s praises, and his methods were adopted everywhere. The saving of animal life in France due to Pasteur’s discoveries more than paid the Prussian War indemnity of 1871, which amounted to five billions of francs. Any one with an imagination must realize that this also meant that millions of animals were saved from the suffering incident to disease.
Among the many blessings for which we are indebted to Pasteur are a vaccine for chicken cholera and another for swine erysip- elas. The former was discovered by experi- mentsonhens. The latter discovery required the sacrifice of some scores of pigs, but when we find that in one year (1879) a million pigs had died of this disease in the United States alone, the sacrifice seems very small.
It will help us to realize the amount of suffering endured by domestic animals if we glance at the following table prepared by the United States Department of Agriculture in 1915. It shows the annual money loss sus- tained by our country over a period of thirty years as a result of disease in domestic animals.
DIRECT ANNUAL LOSS BASED ON RETURNS FOR THIRTY YEARS FROM ANIMAL DISEASES IN THE UNITED STATES
Hog Cholera owes » . >on Texas Fever 40,000,000 Tuberculosis ; 25,000,000 Contagious Abortion 20,000,000 Blackleg 6,000,000 Anthrax SS ee 1,500,000 Scabies of Sheep and Cattle 4,600,000 Glanders ; 5,000,000 Other live stock diseases 22,000,000 Parasites (trichina and others) 5,000,000
Poultry diseases 8,750,000
$2 12,850,000
For the thirty years this means a loss of $6,385 ,000,000.
This article is not concerned with money losses as such, nor with the attendant diminu- tion of our food and clothing supplies, or even with the sickness and death of human beings incident to some of these diseases in animals. But no thoughtful person can fail to realize that the amount of suffering involved in the loss by disease of many millions of animals is staggering to the imagination. To com- plain of the suffering of the few laboratory animals sacrificed in an intelligent effort to relieve these millions, is about as sensible as it would be, when a fire is wiping out a city,


Ernest Harold Baynes


ANOTHER HEALTHY HERD OF SHEEP
They are free of parasites, and are contented and healthy.
to object to the ringing of fire alarms, on the ground that it would disturb the firemen. Our Department of Agriculture at Wash- ington is very much alive to the importance of preventing such appalling losses, and it has a special bureau—The Bureau of Animal Industry—which is forever working on the problems involved. One of its most impor- tant duties is to prevent the occurrence of disease. Where this cannot be done the dis- ease must be checked and brought under control. In all this work vivisection is used; a comparatively few animals being sacrificed for the good of the many. One can hardly get a better idea of the importance of vivi- section from the standpoint of the animals themselves than by noting the headway which has been made against hog cholera, which had been causing the greatest loss of any single disease affecting American live- stock. By experiments on seventeen hogs there was discovered a serum which will pro- tect swine from this disease. In 1921, owing to extensive use of this serum, the loss was reduced from $75,000,000 to $27,907,000, a saving of about $47,000,000 to the farmers of this country in the case of one disease. But it is the welfare of animals that we are con- cerned with in this article. Forty-seven million dollars is the equivalent of say a mil- lion hogs. Here are a million animals that have been spared the suffering incident to
Furthermore they will ultimately become healthful food
disease, at the cost of suffering inflicted on a few of their fellows. What real lover of ani- mals could wish the million to suffer in order that the few might be spared?
Let us take the next item on the list—Texas fever—which had been causing an average annual loss of $40,000,000. Years ago Dr. Theobald Smith, then with The United States Department of Agriculture, began to investi- gate this disease. He discovered that it was caused by an internal microscopic parasite which he found in the blood and in the liver and other organs of the sick animals. How this parasite was carried from sick cattle to healthy ones, no one knew, but he began to experiment. He placed healthy animals in enclosed pastures in which other animals had died of Texas fever. They, too, quickly sick- ened and died. Ticks were suspected of being the means of transmission, and another series of experiments proved the suspicion to be well founded.
These experiments had revealed the hither- to unknown and most important fact that in- sects may be a means of transmitting disease. Dr. Simon Flexner has expressed the opinion that but for this discovery our knowledge of yellow fever probably would have been long delayed, and Dr. Ernest Charles Schroeder of the U. S. Bureau of Animal Industry has pointed out that this knowledge in turn led to the clearing of the Panama Canal Zone and


Vivisection and
the building of the Panama Canal. Yet there are those who would have prevented these experiments because they were made “for purposes other than treatment.”
Let us see what those same experiments have done for the cattle themselves. Seven- teen years ago there were about three quarters of a million square miles of territory in this country, chiefly in the Southern states, quar- antined against Texas fever. On this vast area, nearly three and a quarter times as large as the former German Empire, were pastured millions of cattle. The disease and the quarantine necessary to control it, were crippling the Southern livestock industry— but that is another story. Think of the al- most innumerable infected herds, every animal suffering with ticks which not only sucked its blood and irritated its skin but gave it a fever which sapped its strength and its very life. Every year more than one eighth of all the cattle quartered in that area died from this one disease.
In 1906 The U. S. Bureau of Animal In- dustry in co6peration with state and local authorities began the stupendous work of exterminating the ticks and freeing our cattle from Texas fever. Following further experi-
Animal Welfare 401 ment there was prepared an arsenical solution which would kill the ticks without injuring the animals, and millions of cattle were “dipped’’—that is, made to swim through long baths filled with this solution. As a result of years of persistent effort 518,172 square miles, or 71 per cent. of what formerly was known as “the permanently infected area’’ have been released from quarantine, and the vast numbers of tormented animals made comfortable and happy. This work, based on knowledge gained through vivisec- tion, is still going on, and will be continued until Texas fever is stamped out.
The third item on the list is tuberculosis, which causes a money loss of $25,000,000, and discomfort and death to the great number of animals represented by that large sum. It is combatted by the use of the tuberculin test, which makes it possible to determine at once whether an animal has the disease or not, in- stead of waiting for symptoms which may not appear until other cattle and perhaps children as well have become infected. Good headway is being made, and it is probably only a ques- tion of time before tuberculosis in cattle will be exterminated and its recurrence prevented.
Similar work is being carried on for the

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DIPPING CATTLE
The trough is filled with a strong mixture through which the cattle are forced to swim. Hogs and sheep are also put through similar baths. Vivisection taught us the advisability of dipping animals

Ernest Harold Baynes

A HERD OF REGISTERED CATTLE NEAR MARIETTA, GA. This herd of cattle is free of disease, because other cattle have been experimented on to determine the best
methods of prevention and cure.
control of glanders, a dreadful disease of horses, to which men also are subject. It is incurable and before it makes known its presence in the natural way, it may be com- municated to many other horses—perhaps at a common drinking trough—and thus cause wholesale destruction. In fact, some horses are simply “carriers,” and unknown even to their owners, go about spreading the disease, meanwhile showing no outward signs of it themselves. But by what is known as the mallein test, it is possible to tell almost at once, whether a horse has glanders or not. A preparation discovered and developed by vivisection is injected into the eyelid. If the disease is not present nothing happens, but if there is the slightest taint, the injection is followed by a reaction in the form of inflama- tion, and the horse can be destroyed before he infects his fellows or his owner. During the World War, every horse coming into an army which had an efficient veterinary ser- vice, was given the mallein test, and as a re- sult glanders was almost unheard of through- out the great conflict, in which enormous numbers of animals were used.
The space allotted to this article will not permit me to do more than suggest that while vivisection is contributing to our knowledge of the diseases | have mentioned, and through our knowledge, to the control of these diseases, it is also contributing, in greater or less degree, to our knowledge and control of all the other plagues which afflict our live stock. Con- tagious pleuro-pneumonia, rinderpest, foot- and-mouth disease, and blackleg in cattle, dourine and surra in horses and cattle, scab and internal parasites in sheep; Malta fever
’
For every ‘‘vivisected”’ animal thousands of its kind eventually benefit
in goats, hookworm and mange in dogs, tularaemia and mange in rabbits, and many diseases of farm poultry, are only some of the troubles which are being eradicated, kept under control, or excluded from our country by methods based on knowledge acquired and methods developed by the practise of vivi- section.
And although the writer has purposely given that view of vivisection which he be- lieves the animals themselves would take if they knew what was best for them, he has done so solely for the purpose of showing that even as an eliminator of suffering in live stock, vivisection is the most humane practice known to man. By no other means has he been able to prevent and control the diseases of animals and the pain which is incident to these diseases, and the fact that he usually does this from motives of self-interest, does not lessen in any degree the comfort which these dumb creatures receive.
Is it any wonder, then, that J]. R. Mohler, Chief of the U. S. Bureau of Animal Industry —the man with perhaps the greatest respon- sibility for the welfare of animals in this country—said not long ago:
“In the light of my knowledge of what animal experimentation (vivisection) means to human welfare, | can say without extrava- gance that most terrible consequences would inevitably follow upon the general adoption throughout the world of the programme of prohibition and regulation of, and interfer- ence with, animal experimentation that is advocated by the opponents of this funda- mentally important means of the scientific investigation of disease.”

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF
STANLEY
BALDWIN
Great Britain’s Relief at Having at the Helm of State a Man Who
Represents Her Steady and Solid Qualities.
The Pleasure of
France at Having a Man to Deal with Whose ‘“‘No”’ Means “‘No”’
By MARK
HE writer spent some months of
the present spring and summer in
Europe. As it happened, the trip
coincided with the occurrence of an
event which the present writer has looked forward to, ever since the Paris Peace Conference, as likely to be, whenever it should occur, the first dependable sign of an actual and definite turning of the world in the direc- tion of stability. This event was the passing from power of the last of the war leaders, the last of those who guided the destinies of their respective countries through the war. The theory took only minor account of the abilities or characters of those war-time leaders. It was rather that the mere fact of a man having been Premier or Prime Minister during the war disqualified him from the possibility of success as a leader in the period of peace. And in the case of Lloyd George (all the other war leaders had long ago passed off the stage) it has always seemed that there was funda- mental and inherent in him just those qualities of temperament which, however well they equipped him for the alert, quick-stepping, opportunity-grasping leadership of war, by that same token disqualified him for the more sure-footed business of leading the world toward peace. Furthermore, what is equally important, the reputation of Lloyd George had made, the picture of him that had been built up in the public mind, was the contrary of those qualities and that kind of personality to which the people, in the differing mood and point-of-view of peace, are likely to give their confidence. Also, in addition to this theory, and in proof of it, it is the clear fact of recent history that Lloyd George, whether through bad luck or bad judgment, or through both, did several things during the period since the Armistice which, instead of promoting peace, delayed it and promoted further chaos.
SULLIVAN
Therefore, since Lloyd George was the official leader of Great Britain, and since Great Bri- tain is the biggest factor in the after-war situation, it seemed clear that the passing of Lloyd George would be the first unquestion- ably convincing sign that the period of confu- sion, of backward going, was truly behind us; and that the world, under new leaders all round, had shifted definitely into forward gear. As it happened, the passing of Lloyd George, and the taking of his place by Stanley Baldwin in May, was accompanied by pre- cisely those conditions (consisting chiefly of the personal qualities of the new leader) which gave the most concrete augury of a better time.
Lloyd George, of course, had really passed out with the election of several months pre- vious. There had been a comparatively brief interval during which the helm of the British Government had been in the hands of Bonar Law. But during that interval, Bonar Law’s health had been such as to handicap him to a degree that was not only obvious to those close to the Government, but actually known and felt with vague inquietude by every news- paper reader. Asa result, the national feeling had been one of uncertainty, a feeling short of the sensation every one longed for, the sen- sation of having made a fresh start for a long pull. Toward the latter part of May, the state of Bonar Law’s health was appraised by his physicians, and by himself and his friends, as such that he could not look forward with confidence to bearing the heavy strain of his office for a sufficiently long period to set the country definitely in the new course that everybody felt was necessary. Taking ac- count of this, Bonar Law resigned, and his place at the head of the British Government was taken by Stanley Baldwin. Essentially, Mr. Baldwin is the real successor of Lloyd-

404
George—the few months of Bonar-Law’s feeble health was but an interlude. It was the elevation of Stanley Baldwin that was the real turning-point and marked the entrance of Great Britain into a new era—not only Great Britain but also, in the present writer’s judg- ment, the whole world.
At the time this happened, the writer was in a position to observe the psychological aspects of the change, both upon those who, in the inner places of politics and business, feel themselves responsible for the course of Great Britain during what all expect to be a difficult time, and also upon the wider public. These psychological aspects of the change were as definite as something you could see and touch. The writer has never seen, in any American change of administration, nor as the result of any American election, any more sharply defined transition of public sentiment. Hardly ever was there so obvious the sigh of relief over uncertainty passed, followed by the long fresh breath of sober confidence and grave determination for the future.
It was not that Lloyd George was disliked. On the contrary, even the most definite of the expressions of relief over his passing were usually tempered by a smiling affection for the charm of his personality, the infinite variety of his temperament. But there was, over the replacing of Lloyd George with a man of less variety but more simplicity, something like the sensation with which you step out upon solid ground at the end of an airplane trip in which the pilot has treated you—with- out always consulting you as to whether you really wanted it—to nose-dives, pirouettings, and all the other variations of aerial excite- ment within the repertoire of a pilot who for himself fattens upon the exhilaration of situations where the outcome is doubtful.
DIVIDING LLOYD GEORGE’S CAREER
OR the condensed and (so far as regards characterization of Lloyd George) the frankly superficial purpose of the present article, let us put a mark at the ending of the
war, at Armistice Day; and divide Lloyd George’s record as Prime Minister of Great Britain into two parts, first his management of the war, and then his management of the peace.
As to his management of the war, assume that it was good. It is an assumption that not all will agree with. But many will assent
Mark Sullivan
to it, who think that the other part, the management of the peace, was bad. Of the difference between the two there is a single figure of speech, uttered by Lloyd George himself, that tells the whole story. He was attacked for something he had done at the Genoa Conference, one of those quick devices of daring inconsistency with which he plucked the semblance of success out of the fact of failure. He replied, in effect, that when the world is in chaos it is like being captain of a ship in a storm. Under such circumstances, he said, it is a sufficient virtue if you merely keep the ship from sinking; anything you do, short of letting the ship go down, is justifiable; you must not hesitate to take advantage of any current, of any wind that blows; and, provided you come out of the storm with your ship afloat, you must not be judged because the passengers find themselves headed in a direction precisely opposite to that in which the captain gave them to understand he was going to take them.
That figure of speech was a concrete and unqualified assertion of the doctrine of opportunism in politics. And its relevancy to the Lloyd George of war, as contrasted with the Lloyd George of peace was this; in war, opportunism is justified—at least it is justified to some extent, an extent that varies with the moral basis of judgment of the individual critic, with his distance from the scene, his detachment from the passion of the conflict.
A time when sticking another human being with a bayonet is exalted as a supreme virtue, is hardly a time to quibble over the moral aspects of political opportunism.
But in peace-time, opportunism is a differ- ent matter. Not only is it different inher- ently; the public judgment of it also is different. That is one reason why, in all countries, the war-leaders have found it difficult to remain in power after the coming of peace. The very things they did, the reputation they built up for quick changes of strategy adapted to changing crises—all that is in itself a disqualification for keeping the confidence of the people after peace has come. And in Lloyd George’s case, there was a feeling that his swift opportunism was not a mere war-time device but was part of the very deeps, or, if you want to listen to his more savage critics, the shallows of his character.

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The Significance of Stanley Baldwin 405
In any event, the courses which Lloyd George followed, or attempted and abandoned, after the war ended, not only confirmed his war-time reputation for a chameleon adaptive- ness to the need of the moment, but were gravely disturbing in themselves. As to Ireland, as to France, as to Russia, as to Germany, it had seemed to be a policy with no greater continuity than willingness to “try anything once.” The war was over. There was no longer imminent danger of the ship sinking. That excuse for disquieting changes of direction had gone. The need was to lay a new course toward some definite goal of fixed principles. The longing of the British people was for a straight and simple course toward a definite and easily understood goal—for a less flashing but more steady gaited leader—for one with more fixedness of purpose, even though with less resourcefulness of method—for one who would more accurately symbolize in his person, and express in his actions, the direct quali- ties of the English mind, than the brilliant temperamental Welshman ever could.
THE NEW PREMIER
O THIS vague but very appealing spirit-
ual hunger of the British people, Stanley Baldwin was a complete answer. Baldwin is true to the English type, upright in business, not too imaginative, not subtle at all, simple in manner, direct and clear in statement; in argument, humorously good-natured but firm. Lloyd George once, when engaged in a political contest with a recent English states- man, described his adversary as “honest to the verge of simplicity.” It is not certain whether Lloyd George meant the phrase as a sneer (In any event it was the fate of Lloyd George, toward the end of his power, to have come to having caused many to think of him as a man who would use this phrase as something in the nature of depre- ciation).
Mr. Baldwin took this phrase to himself. To have done so was perhaps a little more self-conscious, a little more unctuous than is characteristic of him. But he himself shared deeply the general feeling of England about the disquieting qualities of Lloyd George’s temperament, and the need for a leader of, let us say, less complex character and tempera- ment. Feeling this way, in a speech he made a few weeks after his elevation, about the
causes of the success of himself and his party in the election; he said:
The election was won by a phrase of Mr. Lloyd George, a phrase of six words and six words only. There was a vast new electorate in this country. A new democracy had been called into being by the last Reform Bill. There were millions of voters unattached to any party, and up and down the country people were wondering exactly what they wanted and for whom they could vote. One morn- ing they opened their newspapers and read that Mr. Lloyd George said that Mr. Bonar Law is honest to the verge of simplicity. The British people said, ‘‘By God, that is what we have been looking for!’”” Although | cannot hope to emulate my late leader, Mr. Bonar Law, if those six words can be uttered of me when the general election takes place, I shall be a proud man.”
That episode, to the extent that it sug- gests unction or self-righteousness, is short of illustrating other qualities of Mr. Baldwin which, essentially, are more marked and more characteristic. He is modest, humorous, and has, to a degree that has engraved itself on his features, the quality of whimsicalness which is never found in men who take them- selves too seriously. That he should have vision is suggested by the fact that on his mother’s side he is a cousin of Rudyard Kipling and a nephew of Burne-Jones. On his father’s side, he inherited business ability and an iron manufacturing and engineering enterprise which he carried on to the point that enabled him to retire and enter politics at forty.
Primarily, it is the iron manufacturer and the business man that commended Mr. Bald- win, both to his associates who put him for- ward as Prime Minister and to the wider British public. That public felt that here was a simple Englishman, with the charac- teristic qualities of the nation, whose motives and ways of thinking they would understand, and who, in his relations with the rest of the world, would by instinct do the things and say the things that would accurately express the common mind of his race.
It would be difficult to overestimate the feeling that Mr. Baldwin’s selection gave to the British public, of being on sure and familiar ground once more. It pervaded all classes and all parties. Although Mr. Lloyd George was a coalition Prime Minister and therefore was presumed to represent the people with an approximation to unanimity,

406
it is probably a fact that Mr. Baldwin really represents them more broadly and more truly. Officially Mr. Baldwin is a member of the Conservative or Tory party. «The opposition for the present, and probably for some time to come, is the Labor party. Ordinarily one would expect that a Tory party headed by an iron manufacturer would present a perfect contrast to the sentiments, prejudices, and political desires of the Labor party, the kind of target they would most prefer for their attacks. The fact, however, was clearly otherwise. The Labor party has in London a more or less official labor organ, a daily paper. This paper, in its doctrines, is all that a pretty radical labor organ would be expected to be; and it is edited and written by men of exceptional ability, who lack nothing in their equipment for pungent and forceful political controversy. But the Daily Herald welcomed Mr. Baldwin not with brick bats but with bouquets. A typical passage from the labor organ’s comment was this:
As a business man he has a strong sense of social responsibility. The idea of Disraeli that the landed gentry of England owe it to themselves to improve the lot of their laborers, he tried to adapt totrade. When there was a lock-out, he continued to pay the wages of his employees. His aim of introducing by means of kindness and consideration a new spirit of fellowship between employers and employed may be impracticable, but there is no doubt of his sincerity in pursuing it.
That was labor’s official welcome to an iron manufacturer, a Conservative, a Tory, when he was made head of the British Government. Imagine Mr. Gompers and the organ of the American Federation of Labor welcoming the head of our Steel Corporation, Judge Gary, to the Presidency in any such language as that.
As a further illustration of the confidence of the opposition Labor party in the new Prime Minister, it is a fact that in his attitude about France, Germany, and reparations, he has really a greater unanimity of support from the Labor leaders than he has from the leaders of his own party.
BALDWIN’S PRACTICAL PATRIOTISM
NOTHER incident, of which the writer
was told by one whose position caused
him to have contact with it, but which be-
came public after, not before, Mr. Baldwin’s elevation to the Prime Ministry was this:
Mark Sullivan
During and since the war, there has been much talk in England of a “capital levy,” by which is meant the taking by the Govern- ment of a fixed percentage of the private wealth of the country—a proposal which, regardless of the questionableness of its prac- ticability, is regarded by most of the wealthy of the country as the last word in socialism, confiscation, communisim, and the like. About the time when one of the spasms of this dis- cussion was at its height, the editor of the London Times received a letter for publica- tion which said that whatever might be the practicability of a universal capital levy, the writer felt that there might be men who would like to make a voluntary contribution of a percentage of their wealth to the State, and who would appreciate a suggestion for a practicable way of doing it. For himself, the writer said, he had decided to give 25 per cent. of what he had to the Government, and had done so by buying that amount in govern- ment bonds, and cancelling them. The letter was signed with the initials “F. S. T.”
When the editor of the Times received this letter, he felt that before printing it he should verify the facts. He discovered that the writer was Mr. Baldwin. Mr. Baldwin at that time held a minor position in the Govern- ment, known as Financial Secretary of the Treasury, which accounted for the initials. The 25 per cent. of his wealth that he gave was upward of half-a-million dollars.
The problems that confronted the new Prime Minister all hung about one. And that one was a condition which, as I shall try to explain in a moment, carried him straight back to the contrast between himself and Lloyd George.
Expressed in terms of the domestic economy of the country, Britain’s great problem was and is the restoration of normal business con- ditions in the world. Expressed in terms of foreign relation, it was and is the restoration of peace and economic stability to Europe. For Great Britain, these two problems are one.
BRITAIN’S COMMERCE
REAT Britain lives upon world-trade;
and any complete paralysis of world- trade would be as effective a devastation of Great Britain as the complete encirclement of the island by hostile and effective submarines. And to the degree that the present state of world-trade approximates paralysis, Britain is

The Significance of Stanley Baldwin
menaced in her very life. The actual present expression of it is a million and a quarter of un- employed. These unemployed can only be restored to work, and Great Britain can only be freed from apprehension about its future existence, by the restoration of world-trade to normal.
For the resumption of world-trade on a normal basis, it can be said with sufficient exactness, that the one essential step is the fixing of the sum which Germany must pay in reparations. So long as German repara- tions remain unfixed, world trade must con- tinue to be restricted. Equally fundamental is the fact that with the amount of the Ger- man.reparations fixed, the rest will follow.
For Britain, the problem of fixing repara- tions is the problem of its relations with France; and when Mr. Baldwin faced that problem, one of his principal embarrassments was the record of his predecessor, Lloyd George. The French Government had taken a course about reparations which Britain did not deem wise, and-from which Britain had stepped aside. Mr. Baldwin, coming into power in Great Britain as a new figure, could have asked France the simple question, do you or do you not want to come back and coéperater And on receipt of a definite an- swer he could have laid out his course.
BRITAIN AND FRANCE
UT the new régime in Great Britain was deterred from so simple and direct a handling of the situation by an uneasy self- consciousness about some of the circumstances of the breach with France. For such a breach, there is, naturally, blame. Naturally also, each blames the other. France blames Britain, and Britain blames France.
But even among those Englishmen most ready to put the burden of the blame on France, there remained the uneasy self-con- sciousness that some of the blame must be charged against Lloyd George, who had been the Prime Minister of Britain and had con- ducted the negotiations out of which the strain between the two countries grew up. The French put the blame on Lloyd George completely. The British, while not accept- ing that view wholly, nor even largely, had a sufficient sense of penitence about Lloyd
407
George’s manners—to use the mildest of words—toward France, to cause the new régime in Britain to want to practise the extreme of tact and patience with France, to do a kind of penance for what had happened during the Lloyd George régime.
The French feeling about Lloyd George and about Mr. Baldwin, and about the contrast between the two, is illustrated by some
‘passages in one of the leading papers of
France on the occasion of the election of Mr. Baldwin. The reader should bear in mind that it is a French point-of-view and a partisan point-of-view, nevertheless there is enough in it that coincides with the recollec- tions of Englishmen, to make them uneasy. The extracts are from a copyrighted article by Stephane Lauzanne, Editor of Le Matin.
Rarely has the accession of a British Premier been hailed with such warm sympathy from France as the accession of Mr. Stanley Baldwin. The fact is all the more noteworthy that France knows very well that Mr. Stanley Baldwin will probably not approve her Ruhr policy. But France has come to the point where she is, above all, thirsty for clear- ness. She wants to know where everyone stands, and she wants to be sure that everyone will stand in the same place.
The cause of the violent dislike—a dislike amounting to hate—which the French feel toward Mr. Lloyd George is the extreme mobility of opin- ion which led him to reject on Tuesday what he had suggested on Monday, and to burn on Wednesday what he had worshipped on Tuesday. When a man changes his opinions he must expect that he will have to change his friends. Macchia- velli, however great his capacity may have been, had no friends. And the French put Mr. Lloyd George on the same level as Macchiavelli. ,
If Mr. Baldwin desires to win the friendship of the French, it will be easy for him. It is not neces- sary that he replies “Yes” at once to all their propositions; but it is necessary that, when he will have replied “Yes,” it will not be noticed a fort- night later that he meant ‘‘No.’’ What poisoned the good entente of France and of England was the Conference of London of May, 1921, where a Brit- ish Premier was seen to accept the figure of 132 millions of gold marks for the reparations, inform Germany himself, run to the House of Commons to solemnly state that the settlement was final, that it was a just settlement—and then be the first to excuse the Germans for not paying the first in- stalment.

LAFOLLETTE, SHIPSTEAD, AND THE EMBATTLED FARMERS
What’s Happening in Wisconsin and Minnesota, and Why
By CHESTER H. ROWELL
HIS month’s article deals with the radical political revolt as it cul- minated in last year’s elections in Wisconsin and Minnesota. The following and concluding article will cover the outlying states of lowa, Kansas, and Nebraska. The same underlying econ- omic forces were doubtless operating in them all, but on the surface, the organized radical- ism of the West has flowed from two sources, the Non-partisan League of North Dakota and the older LaFollette movement in Wis- consin. The two streams merge in Minne- sota. Inthe adjacent states they mingle with the older Republican-Democratic politics.
Wisconsin in one sense is not quite in the present story, since nothing new happened there. Senator Robert M. LaFollette and his disciple, Governor John J. Blaine, were both reélected. But actually it was more than a reélection. It was a come-back. And it was in part a re-alignment of forces, which helps explain the new workings of the same forces elsewhere.
Politically, Wisconsin is a peculiarly one- man state. You can hear all sorts of things in Wisconsin, but they are all about Robert M. LaFollette. If it is business, LaFollette helped or hindered it. If it is religion, one church is for LaFollette and another against him. If it is education, the University of Wisconsin was once for LaFollette and then turned against him. If it ‘is politics, La Follette is the whole story. There is no Democratic party. LaFollette abolished it. The Socialist party has made a league with LaFollette. The Progressive party, in Wis- consin, split on LaFollette. The Non- partisan League was absorbed by LaFollette. The Republican party consists of the La Follette and anti-LaFollette factions. Gov- ernor John J. Blaine is a LaFollette governor, who organized a LaFollette legislature by a LaFollette bargain with Victor Berger,
to put through a LaFollette programme. Politicians date the eras of their own careers “W. B.” and “A. B.”—“With Bob,” and “Against Bob.” Most of them have been through both. The price of potatoes is im- portant because it helped elect LaFollette. The World War, so far as Wisconsin is con- cerned, was fought over LaFollette. La Follette is a hero and patriot, or a traitor and anarchist; but it is always LaFollette. Every- thing touches him and everybody is for or against him. There are no neutrals.
In popular reputation Senator LaFollette ranks as a radical and Wisconsin, therefore, as a radical state. In the strict economic sense neither attribution is accurate. La Follette may have been radically insurgent in politics, but he is no economic revolutionist. He is a reformer and an individualist, who has been belligerent, rasping, and non-coéperative in his manner, but has proposed nothing in- tended to subvert the present social structure. He has fought many businesses and business men, but he believes in business. He has always had the support of the radicals and usually the opposition of the conservatives. To the easy classification of the pigeon-hole mind all this labels him “radical.’”’ The real radicals think otherwise, but they have usu- ally worked with him, opportunistically.
Wisconsin got its radical reputation partly from LaFollette’s speeches—which were frequently more radical than his deeds—and partly by doing some now obvious things first. The direct primary, public regulation of utili- ties, workmen’s compensation and the like seemed radical until their universal accep- tance brought them under the most conser- vative of all maxims, “Whatever is, is right.”
But even in these older reforms, Wisconsin is not in all respects advanced. It has, for instance, not yet adopted the initiative, re- ferendum, and recall. Amendments to this end were proposed in California and in Wis-


LaFollette, Shipstead, and the Embattled Farmers

consin simultaneously, in Janu- ary, 1911. In California they were the law of the state in just eight months. In Wisconsin the present prospects are that they will finally be adopted in 1927, or just sixteen years from the orig- inal proposal. Twice as many years in Wisconsin as it took months in California is not ex- actly exceeding the speed limit. And as to the newer economic radicalism, represented in the State Socialistic experiment of North Dakota, Wisconsin has none of them.
The campaign of 1922 found LaFollette facing a new situation. Since his last election the World War had intervened, and Senator LaFollette had opposed American entrance into that war and had voted against the draft law. He had also made one speech in which he was misquoted as saying “we had no grievance.” (What he said was “a_ grievance.”’) There had been nation wide in- dignation at his attitude and he had narrowly escaped expulsion from the Senate. Many of his former supporters in Wisconsin had repudiated him on that ac- - count. A check up of an old list of county and local organization leaders showed four fifths of them now opposing him. ‘To win vic- tory out of this situation meant to do a new thing, with new forces.
For that matter, the personal - defection of former prominent supporters has been a familiar fea- ture of LaFollette’s whole career. Nearly all the safe and sane conservatives whom you meet around the Wisconsin Club were LaFollette progressives once. Partly it is a matter of personal temperament. La Follette is the exact reverse of the Tammany type of “What is the Constitution between friends,” which regards personal loyalty as the only important virtue. His loyalties are impersonal to principles and issues. He uses men and then discards them. Also, men use him and then leave him when they have got what they want. He lost some friends on


© Underwood & Underwood ROBERT M. LAFOLLETTE
Senator from Wisconsin since 1905, and governor for four years before
he entered the Senate.
has led him into strange company at times, but while the country at
large seems often to grow restless because of his irritable presence, he
seems to have the constant support of the voters of his state, who ap-
parently like his brand of radicalism.
fifths of his original organized supporters because of his opposition to
_ our entrance into the War and, later, his opposition to the draft, but he has won again despite their opposition.
populated by people of German birth or extraction
Senator LaFollette’s tendency to radicalism
It is true that he lost about four
Wisconsin is, of course, largely
the Roosevelt feud; some for personal rea- sons; some after they had grown old, rich, and conservative, and the largest single group on the war issues.
The war presented not to LaFollette merely, but to the whole people of Wisconsin, a peculiarly difficult problem. Wisconsin is largely a “German” state. Its earlier Ger- man immigrants were the highly educated Prussian revolutionary exiles of 1848, whose grandsons are now among the leading citizens of the state. Later came a large influx mostly

Chester H.
Rowell





THE WISCONSIN STATE CAPITOL AT MADISON
Wisconsin’s radicalism is largely LaFollette, and with the passing of time it seems to grow more so. Much of the op- position to him is due to the War, and during the War public opinion forced many distasteful things down the unwilling
throats of many super-radicals and pro-Germans.
The Socialists are strong in the State (Milwaukee has been Social-
ist since 1916) and even in the Legislature the Socialists are strong
There are
of working and farming people. more than 150,000 residents of German birth and of course many more of immediate Ger-
man descent and tradition. Some of these have lived in all-German communities or neighborhoods, where German speech and feeling lasted longer than would have been possible in a more mixed population. Also there is a large Socialist element in the cities and a large radical element, largely foreign born, in the country which, though without direct German affiliations, was anti-war on general principles. Undoubtedly, prior to American entrance into the war there was a large pro-German element in Wisconsin, and probably a definite majority would have op- posed American entrance into the war if there had been a vote on it. La Follette was probably correct in his estimate that his vote against the war represented his people. The war once declared, Wisconsin did its full part, in troops, Liberty bonds, and public activities, with men of German names fre- quently in the lead. But in war time, con- formity and unanimity are compulsory. The majority no longer tolerates minority differ-
ences of opinion, or even of feeling. In Wisconsin this enforcement of compulsory conformity was undertaken by the Loyalty Legion. It did its work thoroughly, not to say drastically, but naturally it left resent- ment behind which found voice when peace restored freedom of speech.
Many other elements later to be enumer- ated combined to make LaFollette’s final numerical majority in 1922, but this was one of the most striking and important. Also— and this is its wider significance—this anti- war vote was an important element in the radical victories in neighboring states. There was a curious transposition of super-patriotism into economic conservatism and of pacifism into economic radicalism visible everywhere.
The anti-LaFollette campaign on the part of the business class conservatives was con- ducted with characteristic futility. The super-patriots of the Loyalty Legion were now largely active in the American Con- stitutional League, which concealed behind plausible platitudes its real purpose of op- position to union labor. As elsewhere, the part of the “Constitution” for which these


LaFollette, Shipstead, and the Embattled Farmers
200 per cent. Americans were most enthusias- tic was that imaginary clause which estab- lishes capitalistic industrialism and com- mands the open shop. As the time for primary nominations approached, mysterious meetings were held in the Wisconsin Club. “Whisper! For heaven’s sake don’t mention my name! But something must be done!” So, finally, a “Citizens’ Republican State Conference” was called. It put up an excellent gentleman, Rev. Dr. William A. Ganfield, president of Carroll College, a small Presby- terian Institution at Waukesha, who ran as a bone dry in the state that made beer famous. Ofcourse he was beaten unmercifully.
Both sides conducted the cam- paign largely on the issues of 20 years ago, though LaFollette en- dorsed the Non-partisan League and secured its support. ‘Can you not understand this wonder- ful movement which is sweeping over the Middle West?’’, he was quoted as saying, “ It is organized because there is a belief among the people that there is a power that puts them at a disadvantage by controlling the market price of everything they buy. They have appealed tothe Democratic party; they have appealed to the Re- publican party, and they have appealed in vain for relief, for legislation to break the power that took out of their toil just what tribute it pleased.” But he did not much discuss the spe- cific State Socialistic proposals which were the core of the League’s policy in the state of its origin. Wisconsin already had an excellent codperative law and marketing commission, and La Follette took credit for that. He discussed freight rates, railway valuations, and the Esch- Cummins bill, and was supported by both farmers and workingmen on this issue.
On the war issue, LaFollette’s tactics were interesting. He got the anti-war vote while maintain- ingawarattitude so correct as not to drive away from him pro-war
4il
supporters who were with him on other grounds. He took with him an army officer of fine war record who spoke the first hour, saying that proud as he was of his own war record, he would be prouder to exchange it with La Follette’s. (Great applause). Then La Follette spoke for the next 42 hours, first on the war, and then on economics. He de- fended his war record in detail. He had promised his people, he said, to vote against entering the war, and he had kept that prom- ise. Also he had voted against the draft
@©Harris & Ewing
FRANK B. KELLOGG
Elected Senator from Minnesota in 1917 and defeated by Dr. Shipstead, a Minnesota dentist, in 1923. behind Kellogg’s defeat, but a reason given in Minnesota for the loss of many votes is that Shipstead, the new radical Senator, made his campaign in a Ford, and. was accepted as one of the common people, whereas Kellogg made the fatal mistake of having money enough to own an expensive car and was politically foolish enough toeallow himself to be seen in it. Washington and their impression that while he is a charming gentleman with his friends he is not a good ‘‘mixer” with the crowd lost him some
Many and complicated were the causes
Furthermore, reports of his high social position in
support


412
because he was sure it was unconstitutional. But, once the nation was committed to the war he had voted for all measures for its sup- port, with some minor exceptions which he explained in detail. Then he went on for three or four hours more, on general economic and political questions. He was never fin- ished when he ended, and began a new speech the next day from where he had left off, the night before.
This habit of long speeches, by the way, is only one of the ways in which LaFollette reverses the rules of the game. Mention has already been made of his flaunting the Tammany rule of merely personal loyalty. He also defies that other political and journal- istic fiction that the people are morons, who must be entertained and must not be bored. LaFollette bores them deliberately, with interminable “highbrow” discussions—and they like it, and cry for more. Shipstead did the same thing in Minnesota and Brookhart in lowa, with the same result. Even con- servative candidates for Congress and other offices who gave the people facts instead of oratory and were not afraid to bore them, found these tactics successful in an otherwise radical year. Senator Borah reports that in Idaho the people demanded careful and de- tailed explanations of specific measures, and that they already knew a great deal about them. The Broadway vaudeville fiction that the limit of continuity of the human intellect is seven seconds evidently does not apply to these Western farmers.
_ After receiving the Republican nomination LaFollette did not confine himself to Wis- consin. He went into Minnesota to cam- paign for Shipstead, the Farmer-Labor party candidate against the Republican nominee, his colleague Senator Kellogg. Two years before, in campaigning Wisconsin he had opposed Harding’s policies and said nothing for Harding’s candidacy. He favored Frazier, Non-partisan Leaguer, against’ McCumber, Republican, in North Dakota. In other words, he made no pretense of Republican “regularity.’’ Yet he was duly elected, as the Republican nominee, by 315,000 majority as compared with his own majority of only 65,000 one year before. Governor Blaine was also re-elected by 317,000, as against his own 115,000 two years earlier. Measured by
leaders, La Follette had lost most of his former support.
Measured by the people, he had
Chester H. Rowell
won the greatest victory of his career. The revolt was complete and in Wisconsin it was Republican.”
“AN ARITHMETICAL MAJORITY”
N ARITHMETICAL sum of unrelated elements” LaFollette’s opponents call his numerical majority. First comes the German vote, already mentioned, originally predominantly Democratic, though Republi- can in some counties. The war made it unanimously anti-Wilson and pro-LaFollette. These Germans were normally not radical, but some of them have become so after as- sociating with radicals on other grounds. Then there are her Scandinavians, tradition- ally Republican, but always inclined to radi- calism in economic policies. LaFollette had organized them early on his side, partly by the popularity of his policies among them, and partly by choosing their local leaders for political recognition.
The farmers had been traditional La Follette supporters, and the general discon- tent culminating in this election year made them more so. Conditions in Wisconsin were much as they were in the other Western farming states, except that the large dairy industry had suffered less severely than the grain industries. Dairy farmers are de- scribed as less given to radicalism, partly because they are too busy to have much time for politics; and partly because they market their product in a more finished state and are less subject to the speculations of mid- “demen. Grain prices had slumped just when freight rates had gone up. Potato prices would scarcely pay freight. Debts were heavy, some of them contracted patriotically under Governmental urging, while credits, to meet or extend them, were suddenly contracted by Governmental policy. Farmers generally were disquieted with the failure of both parties to offer constructive rem- edies, but this disgust did not extend to LaFollette and Blaine, even though they did not at the moment offer much more. The farmers were satisfied that their hearts were in the right place.
The city working men, especially in Mil- waukee, were avowed Socialists. They had elected Victor Berger to Congress and Dan Hoan, Mayor. Milwaukee has had a Social- ist government since 1916. It is a relatively conservative, right-wing Socialism, which has




ye woOUm™
CO — Ww Ff
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LaFollette, Shipstead, and the Embattled Farmers 413
not done much actually Socialis- tic. This, however, is partly due to a law passed by a conservative legislature, as soon as Milwaukee went Socialistic, depriving the city of most of its powers of home rule. Milwaukee Socialists, in practice, have been rather laborite reformers than social revolution- ists. Their Communistic wing has split from them on this issue. In 1922, as already explained, the Socialist party by special dispen- sation put up no candidate for Senator and its members gener- ally supported LaFollette.
The “old stock Americans” have been originally (except their outright reactionaries) largely La Follette supporters, but by 1922 a large part of their older leaders and many of the rank and file had turned against him.
The arithmetical sum of these elements, plus whatever unclassi- fied votes went for him, consti- tuted La Follette’s majority. Whether they had any real unity is a question not easy of analysis.
The subsequent history of the Blaine state administration, now for the first time in full control of the government, is another story too long for inclusion: here. The governor organized the leg-’


© Underwood & Underwood GOVERNOR J. A. PREUS
Now a candidate for the Senate, but at the time of Kellogg’s defeat a
islature by a combination with candidate for governor. Some political leaders urged Preus to run for the Socialists, but he was by the Senate in the election in which Kellogg was defeated, but he refused
no means committed to all of their programme, and one of their pet measures—the abolition of the National Guard—was defeated with his open opposition. His own most radical policy was a new tax law, transferring some of the burden of state government from land to incomes and corporation returns. This was so ‘‘shocking”’ that some of the larger business magnates, headed by Z. T. Simmons, bed manufacturer of Racine, threatened to leave the state.
In Minnesota we pass to a different and more typical situation. Here, under a dif- ferent primary law, the radicals, instead of capturing the Republican party, defeated it with a third party. In Minnesota there is no one dominating personality, and while there are many interesting personal figures—
and was elected governor, practically forcing, at the same time, Kellogg’s
renomination
Senator Kellogg, Senator Shipstead, Gov- ernor Preus,and Mrs. Olesen—these personali- ties are rather the products than the creators of circumstances.
The outstanding recent dramatic event in Minnesota, as in North Dakota and lowa, is the defeat of a nationally known Senate leader by a radical local candidate. Behind it, however, is a complicated political, eco- nomic, personal, and historic background.
When Frank B. Kellogg first appeared as a Senatorial candidate six years ago, he was a more or less artificial product. Though he was known as one of the nation’s great lawyers and had been president of the American Bar Association, and though he had made a na-

414
tional reputation as “ Roosevelt’s trust bus- ter,” he had not been considered popularly available in Minnesota. His clients had been the steel trust and the great milling and lum- ber interests, and these, while assets to a lawyer, areconsidered liabilities to a politician. But Senator Moses V. Clapp, Progressive, was candidate for reélection in 1916, and big business interests in New York as well as in Minnesota were determined to defeat him. So they instigated thereby, eight country editors to sign a “ popular” demand to Kellogg to run. They spent much money and suc- ceeded in “selling” the slogan “a big man for a big job,” to the people. Kellogg went to Washington and at once took high place, But rumors began drifting back to Minnesota of those petty things which are sometimes more important in politics than the greater ones. Senator Kellogg and his family, the gossips said, moved in the highest social circles in Washington, but were much too good to associate with mere Minnesota Congressmen. The people recalled something of the same aloofness in his relations with them. Kellogg, though a charming gentleman with his friends, is not a “good mixer” with the crowd. If he must move among the people, he travels in a Pierce Arrow, with a chauffeur, and makes
finished speeches from the other side of the
footlights. He does not enjoy the ordeal.
The last two years of his term, Kellogg was accused of playing the game for reélection. He joined the farm bloc, demanded a “ dirt farmer” on the Federal Reserve Board, and generally supported popular policies. But his personality did not fit the picture, and the people refused to take him seriously in this character.
Long before nomination time far-sighted political observers foresaw Kellogg’s political weakness and thought it best for party success that he retire, preferably for Governor Preus, who could undoubtedly have been elected. Preus, himself, if left to his own inclination and judgment, would probably have pre- ferred this to running again for governor. He had long aspired to the Senate. But the same business interests who were behind Kel- logg for the Senate did not want to risk losing Preus from the governorship. They were afraid that if he did not run, some radical would be elected in his place. So those who do politics insisted that Kellogg and Preus both run. Preus refused to run for Senator
Chester H. Rowell
and practically forced Kellogg’s nomination.
A law passed the year before made this sort of political manipulation easy. Minnesota has a direct primary law, but the politicians had succeeded in getting passed a law legal- izing pre-primary indorsing conventions, to make recommendations to the primary. Such schemes usually overreach themselves, as this one (an equally ingenious device in lowa) did at this election. It was easy to set up the convention to indorse Kellogg, but this very fact made it impossible to hold the opposing faction in the party. The radicals had been functioning in Minnesota as in Wisconsin, as a faction of the Republican party, but as soon as they saw the con- vention system practically restored and the delegates packed against them, they refused to play this game and left the party. Kellogg received the convention indorsement without contest from them, and in the primary his only opponent was former Congressman Ernest Lundeen, who was easily defeated.
MRS. OLESEN, DEMOCRAT
HE nomination in the Republican party,
now reduced to its conservative faction, was easy, but the election was a more serious matter. The Democrats nominated Mrs. Anna Dickie Olesen, whose interesting can- didacy and winning personality attracted nation-wide attention. But the Democratic party was a dwindling factor in Minnesota and while Mrs. Olesen ran ahead of her ticket, she was a poor third in the final race. The national magazines paid more attention to Mrs. Olesen than the Minnesota voters did, and though Bryan and McAdoo came in the campaign for her they had little effect. The fact that she was a woman probably lost her at least as many votes as it gained. Her own campaign was very bitter personally against Senator Kellogg, this probably lost him more votes than it gained her. The rest went to Shipstead. Kellogg and Preus also both made the strategic error of pointing out that a vote for Mrs. Olesen would be thrown away, since the real opponent was Shipstead. The voters took them at their words—and voted for Shipstead.
There was once a Democratic party in Minnesota, which served as the real opposi- tion party and was sometimes victorious. It elected John Lind three times to Congress

LaFollette, Shipstead, and the Embattled Farmers
and ran him three times for governor, once successfully. But it is now obliterated by the radical third party, and for practical pur- poses no longer exists.
Now, comes Henrik Shipstead, Senator- elect, and the genesis of the third party movement.
Shipstead is a tall, raw-boned, second-generation Norwegian. Though born in this country, he speaks with a slight accent. He comes by his radicalism hon- estly. His father left Norway too early to join in the radical movement of the eighties in that coun- try, but he was a mem- ber of the Farmers’ Al- liance, which became the Populist party, in this country. He was an intense man, a mar- tinet in family disci- pline. His son Henrik, now forty-two years old, made his own way through college, and graduated in dentistry at 22. He practised dentistry in a small country town in west- ern Minnesota, and though he afterward moved to Minneapolis, he has lived most of his life among country people and knows their ways and thoughts. “Some people like poker,” says Ship- stead, ‘‘and some gold, but my mania was books and reading.” So he practised dentis- try by day and read books at night, mostly on economics, sociology, and history. Naturally he was led first into an intellectual and then into a practical interest in contemporary politics. He became a “determinist.”” The deep forces, he concluded, work out the fates of peoples, and personalities are merely their accidental agents.
But Shipstead early suspected that he might
clean-cut,
and won.
Newberry case.
HENRIK SHIPSTEAD
A tall, second-generation Norwegian who tilted with his Ford against Senator Kellogg in his Pierce Arrow Shipstead made the most of Kellogg’s sup- port of the Esch-Cummins Bill and of his vote on the Shipstead had no campaign fund and little money, so he began speaking at church picnics. He made long speeches and talked serious economics to the farmers, and the people turned out in huge numbers to listen, and they voted for him
415
be one of those agents. He was a member of the legislature of 1916. He ran for Congress in 1918 against Andrew J. Volstead, but was defeated. In 1920 he ran for the Republican nomination for governor, and was defeated by only about 7,000 votes by J. A. O. Preus. The law did not then prevent a candidate defeated for a party nomination from running afterward as an inde- pendent and Shipstead did so. He proved no exception to the rule that such candidacies never succeed, and of course was badly beaten, but he re- ceived some 281,000 votes, against 416,000 for Preus. The Demo- cratic candidate was distanced with only 81,000.
These candidacies had brought Shipstead to state-wide atten- tion, and he was the obvious candidate to oppose Kellogg in 1922. He would have run for governor in 1924 if this had not happened.
The Republican nominations having been made with only perfunctory resort to the primary, under one law, the radicals proceeded to make their nominations un- der another law, with- out any primary at all.
Radicalism had been organized in Minne- sota by the Non-partisan League, imported from North Dakota, but it had been function- ing as a faction of the Republican party. It is against the policy of the League to consti- tute itself a separate party, but “third party tactics,’’ which it regards as technically a different thing, are permissible. This course was followed. A League Conference was held, simultaneously with another meeting of the “Working Peoples’ Non-partisan



416 Political League,’”’ an independent organiza- tion. They agreed on a fusion ticket, with Shipstead for Senator and Magnus Johnson, a former State Senator, for governor. The farmers’ league would have preferred to take the name “Progressive party,’’ as was done in Idaho, but the working men preferred “Farmer-Labor”’, which already had a legal place on the ballot, and they prevailed. There being only one aspirant to each office, the law required no primary, and the nomina- tions were automatic.
The campaign began, Kellogg in his Pierce Arrow and Shipstead in his Ford. Kellogg defended his record and proclaimed a plat- form liberal to the verge of radicalism. But he had the Esch-Cummins bill, for which he had voted though he disapproved of many of its provisions, and the Newberry case to plague him. Shipstead made the best of the unpopularity of both of these. Kellogg’s colleagues of the farm bloc attempted to come to his rescue, but while Kellogg was defending his record on the transportation act in one hall Senator Capper, speaking for him in an- other hall, was assailing it by precisely the arguments Shipstead was using. The scenery simply would not hold together. A Nor- wegian leader personally friendly to Kellogg prevailed on a farmer friend to go with him to hear Kellogg speak. Kellogg was explain- ing his effort to get a farmer on the Federal Reserve board. “Bunk!’’, said the farmer in Norwegian. “Let’s get out of here. We don’t want a farmer in a banker’s job any- way.”’ And he refused to hear any more.
Shipstead fitted better into the picture. In the beginning he had no campaign fund and very little money. So he began speaking at church picnics. Minnesota has in many places the Continental Sunday. The farm- people come in for miles to attend church in the morning and then have a picnic in the afternoon. Shipstead talked serious econo- mics to these picnics; long LaFollette-like speeches, two or three hours long, without oratory or entertainment. The people were hungry for that sort of thing, and would turn out 1,000 or 1,500 strong when he was to speak. Then they would take up a collection, “for tires and gasoline.’’ Later in the cam- paign when he was speaking daily, Shipstead was some times delayed and would not arrive at a meeting until ten o'clock at night. The early-rising farmers would wait patiently, and
Chester H. Rowell
then listen until midnight. An earnest man with an earnest message was what they wanted. If there was no conservative man, of sounder scholarship and wider business experience to give them a more constructive message, whom shall we blame?
Shipstead frankly acknowledged that he is a pessimist—what in the Populist days was called a “calamity howler’—and when ac- cused of it told Mark Twain’s story of the mysterious stranger who worked miracles but when called on to produce an optimist failed several times, until finally he succeeded by producing an idiot. He assailed the Federal government for first stimulating artificial inflation by encouraging the people to borrow to buy Liberty Bonds and to in- crease farm production, and then by Federal Reserve action precipitating an artificial deflation which deprived them of the means to meet the obligations thus incurred. He attacked the Esch-Cummins transportation act, charging that it “legalized eight billions of watered stock,” raised freight rates just when other prices went down, and guaranteed railroad profits just when farm guarantees were denied. He denounced “the disgraceful Newberry case” and demanded its reopening. He opposed the ship subsidy, the “abuse of the injunction power of courts in labor dis- putes” and the high tariff. Generally he assailed Wall Street and capitalistic control of government and made the usual appeal to farmer and labor sympathy. All of which, it will be seen, is rather an insurgent than a Socialistically radical programme. It did, however, secure him the support of real radicals, from Single Taxers to Communists, whose own views went much further than his. Irrelevant issues, particularly prohibition and the war, pledged the usual rdle.
Popular rumor had it that Kellogg had promised the Hamm brewing interests to vote “wet.”’ He did vote dry, and these interests, with all that they could influence, were bit- terly against him. Shipstead, too, had voted dry, the only time when he was called on to take a position, in the legislature, but, for the purposes of this campaign, he refused to an- swer questions on the subject, on the ground that it was not in issue. Thus he gained the advantage of the wet defection against Kellogg without alienating any dry voters who might be for him on other grounds. There was a wet stampede for him in the last days


LaFollette, Shipstead, and the Embattled Farmers
of the campaign, with charges (which Ship- stead denies) that the brewing interest poured money into the fight.
The German and anti-war vote would prob- ably have inclined to Shipstead anyway, but it was delivered to him bodily by LaFollette, as the campaign closed.
417
senting a national party, was the only serious contender and that a vote for a third-party candidate would be thrown away. Shipstead telegraphed back an open letter, saying in effect: “This is not a question of parties but of saving the homes of the people. The
only difference between

Shipstead’s own war record had been good, but early in the war he had come under the ministrations of the super-patriots, who painted his house yel- low, not for anything he had himself done or failed to do, but be- cause the Non-partisan League, with which he was affiliated, was then regarded disloyal. Ship- stead’s own good record was regarded by the League leaders as an asset in 1922, as coun- teracting the bad im- pression made by their own early course, but it did not prevent him from getting the whole anti-war vote. When LaFollette came into Minnesota to campaign for Shipstead his influ- ence transferred the Wisconsin situation, as to this vote, to Minne- sota.
LaFollette’s Minne- sota speeches were very bitter against Kellogg, and once, losing his tem- per, he went so far as to make reference to the physical peculiarity of a slight stoop in Kellogg’s gait, saying that God had imposed it on him as a stigma of cringing. Even LaFollette’s associates feared that this over-stepping of the line would react against him, but apparently it did not.
McAdoo, campaigning for the Democratic ticket, also gave Shipstead an opening. He made the statement that Mrs. Olesen, repre-
© Underwood & Underwood MRS. ANNA DICKIE OLESON
The Democratic nominee for Senator from Minne- sota, who, although she ran ahead of her ticket, was a poor third in the final race. was directed against Kellogg, and his mistake in pointing out that a vote for Mrs. Oleson would be thrown away because of the strength of Shipstead, probably gained Shipstead more .votes than it gained Kellogg
the Republican and Democratic parties is that they work in differ- ent shifts for the same cause—except in emer- gencies like this, when they work overtime to- gether.” This reply struck the popular chord and did much toward counteracting the prop- aganda for party regu- larity.
So Henrik Shipstead, dentist, was elected United States Senator against Frank B. Kel- logg, great lawyer, by 325,396 to 241,925, with only 79,899 for Mrs. Olesen and will repre- sent. Minnesota in the nation’s councils for the next six years. The Senate will find him a man to be reckoned with. He is not an ag- gressive press agent, like Brookhart, and he has no illusions that he can accomplish any great transformation of the world merely by being one member of the United States Senate. But he is intensely in earnest, a student rather than a scholar, with the radical’s suspi- cion of the motives of those who represent the capitalistic class. The peculiar limitations of his environment have been an asset to him as a politician, tut may be a handicap as a statesman. He has lived in- timately among small people and knows sym- pathetically their lives and feelings. There- fore, they are willing to trust him. He knows
: %
Her campaign

418
the larger things of business and government from books, and he is therefore acceptable to them as a teacher. But his practical ex- perience has been with small things. Now he is called to test his book knowledge on great things. An attitude of suspicion, backed by a constituency equally suspicions, is not the best preparation for profiting broadly in this new experience. Shipstead is honest. His colleagues will like and respect him. But they need not count on winning him. He is and will remain a radical.
GOVERNOR “JAKE” PREUS
IMULTANEOUSLY with this campaign for Senator came another campaign for governor of Minnesota which subsequent events may now give a national significance. Governor “ Jake”? Preus (he pronounces it “Price’’) had long been regarded as the heir- apparent to the veteran Senator Knute Nelson, now eighty years old, five times elected Sena- tor, and for forty years continuously Minne- sota’s representative as Congressman, Gov- ernor, and Senator. Nelson had even made the tactical blunder of declaring Preus heir- apparent. Ina speech in Minneapolis he had said: “| made Jake Preus my secretary and you made him governor, and he is a good one. I made Ivan Bowen Railroad Commissioner and he was a good one. Now, when my time comes to quit, who could be better in my place than Jake, and who better in his place than Jake, and who better in his place than Ivan?” The opening was of course too good for the opposition to miss, and the League again published a famous “King Canute” cartoon, depicting Nelson handing his scepter to the Crown Prince. Nelson’s term was not to expire until 1925, and while he had not definitely announced his retirement at that time it was expected. Preus would have preferred to run against Kellogg in 1922, but had consented, instead, to run for governor for the term which would expire just in time for him to succeed Nelson in 1925. Mean- time, in the words of an old time organization politician “the woods were full of candidates for both places. Preus was trying to steer them all into the gubernatorial campaign, while each of them was trying to steer the others into the Senatorial campaign.” All these calculations, however, were upset by the sudden death of Senator Nelson in May of this year. The “woods full of candi-
Chester H. Rowell
dates” were all precipitated into the Sena- torial contest, which is going on at this writing, The exigencies of long-distance magazine publication preclude the inclusion of that campaign in this article—beyond a bare foot- note of the result, if that should be announced before the forms go to press*—but if, as now seems likely, Governor Preus should be chosen Senator, to balance Shipstead’s radicalism with his relatively conservative liberalism, some account of what manner of man he is will be of national interest.
Jacob Aal Ottesen Preus is a_ third- generation Norwegian-American, a graduate of Luther College, lowa (of which his father was also a graduate and long president) and of the law school of the University of Minne- sota. He is forty years old and has been in public office practically all his adult life. He was Senator Nelson’s secretary, governor Eberhart’s executive secretary, insurance commissioner, state auditor, and governor, these offices filling continuously all the years since his graduation from the law school in 1906. As might be expected from his career, he combines the politician’s art of knowing everybody and of never omitting a personal greeting with the scholar’s habit of really studying problems.
His keynote speech as candidate for gov- ernor was an ingenious, though specious, argu- ment to the effect that inasmuch as a long list of Non-partisan League leaders had been Socialists, and inasmuch as proof-texts could be quoted from Socialist literature against Christianity, marriage, private property, and the right of land owners and employers to vote, therefore, the Non-partisan League is a step toward undermining all these things. He promised that the Republican party would take up the real grievances of the farmers and meet them. Most of his campaign for gov- ernor, however, was devoted not to his own candidacy, but to Senator Kellogg, who was known to be in greater jeopardy. Preus wasa more popular campaigner than Kellogg and he was also more fortunate in his opponent, Mag-
*Note: Mr. Preus won the Republican nomination and Mr. Johnson the Farmer-Labor nomination, in the pri- maries on June 18th. Each defeated wet opponents, there- by largely eliminating that issue. The final election, therefore, will proceed on the clean-cut issues between the tadicals and the conservatives. Preus is favored by his much stronger personality; but the radical psychology ignores personal qualifications, a fact which gives Johnson a better chance than a comparison of the two men’s char- acters would seem to imply.—C. H. R

LaFollette, Shipstead, and the Embattled Farmers
THE MINNESOTA STATE CAPITOL AT ST. PAUL

© Underwood & Underwood
The state government of Minnesota is necessarily greatly interested in and greatly affected by the farmers and farm problems, and the radical tendencies of farmers have pointed the way that professional politics must take if they
want farmer support.
The result has been that the politicians have sometimes been slow to lead, and new leaders
have taken their places
nus Johnson, a big voiced dirt farmer, whose English was imperfect and whose manner was not impressive. Even so, in this year of radical reaction and with the handicap of the Kellogg slump, Preus just squeezed through by 14,300 majority. Two years before he had beaten Shipstead, a much stronger candidate, by 134,403.
As governor, while calling himself a con- servative, Preus has been distinctly not re- actionary. He has promoted rural credits and farm coéperation laws and movements, he called the inter-state price stabilization conference, and has aggressively supported the work of the State department of agricul- ture, under N. J. Holmberg, Commissioner, and Hugh J. Hughes, director of markets, in meeting the grievances and problems of the farmers, the reality and seriousness of which he recognizes. If he should be elected to the Senate out of the present “ woods full of candi- dates,” he will be a party Republican, but of the liberal wing.
The soil in which has grown this Minne- Sota radicalism, the recent personal and
political manifestations of which have here been described, is geographically and racially a complex one. In the North are some al- most unexplored tundra districts. The South- ern counties are practically lowan, in products and population. The Red River valley, in the northwest, is identical with the adjacent section of North Dakota, and is inhabited largely by Scandinavian farmers. Many of the central counties are German, and in some of these even second-generation Ger- mans, born in Minnesota, can not speak Eng- lish. The same is true in some isolated Bohemian colonies. In the city industrial districts are many of the “newer” immigrants, from the Mediterranean and Southeastern Europe. Minneapolis is the greatest primary wheat market in the world, and Duluth prob- ably the second, but the wheat now comes largely from farther north and west. Wheat looms large in all political discussions, but Minnesota farmers are actually going more into dairying, which is a conservative business. Minnesota’s egg crop about equals its wheat crop in value. There are iron, copper, and

420
lumber resources. “Big Business’’ is repre- sented by the steel trust, the flour mills, the mining and lumber companies, and formerly by the Hamm breweries.
Yet, with all these great interests, the majority of the people live in the country. If the farmers remain radical, they can, by combining with the radical element among the city working people, control the state. The national headquarters of the Non- partisan League have usually been in St. Paul or Minneapolis, so even North Dakota radicalism has been administered from Minne- sota. For these reasons, Big Business has been more afraid of radicalism in Minnesota than even in North Dakota. In agricultural North Dakota, the farmers have only them- selves to tax, and any Socialistic experiments they may choose to try are therefore self- limiting if they turn out to be unprofitable. In Minnesota there are also the huge indus- tries and mineral resources to tax, so radical- ism could, if it so determined, go much further. So far it has not done so.
Racial alignments are much as in Wiscon- sin. The Germans are naturally Democratic and conservative, but they vote radical and anti-Democratic, on the war and liquor issues. The Germans drink beer and vote wet. The Scandinavians, if they drink at all, drink strong Akvait and vote dry. They are nat- urally radical. The old-time Americans are individualistic, dry, and Republican. In the older Progressive revolt against corrupt gov- ernment and corporative rule the reaction- aries regarded them as radicals. Now, in the modern economic revolt the radicals regard them as conservatives. The laboring people in the cities are less Socialistic than in Wis- consin, but they support Shipstead personally and to that extent join with the rural radicals.
REAL GRIEVANCES
HE farmers have had very real grievances. Farmers blamed, not Nature, but Govern- ment, fora banking system adapted to the credit
needs of business and not of farmers. They blamed government for the inequality of price deflations which made the farmer’s dollar worth only sixty-seven cents in its power to purchase other producers’ goods. They blamed gov- ernment for protecting railroads and not farmers against a disastrous slump. They were not much interested in credit measures to enable them to get further into debt.. What
Chester H. Rowell
they wanted was better prices to get them out of debt. If they observed farms in increasing numbers going back to tenantry—that is, into the ownership of city men—they chal- lenged government to find out why and to propose a remedy. They did not hold Nature responsible if Nature’s most direct industry has to contribute, without compensation, the food to support the artificial industries of cities. They were not very open to the Marxian appeal to develop a labor-class con- ciousness, but they did develop a very acute farmer-class consciousness. And they de- manded of political parties that they recog- nize these things as the issues. When, instead, they were offered soporific slogans about the Constitution and Americanism, they turned to those who, even if crudely and unwisely, gave them a hearing on the real problems. They are deaf to appeals to the Ancient Sages, and ask only, “ What are you going to do about it now?”’ To that question the old parties must make answer, or there will be still more radicals elected, to ask it where they can not be ignored.
INTELLIGENCE OR TROPISM
HAT is—unless the cynics are right who
say that “a full belly is always conser- vative.” Conditions in the grain-farming West were disastrous in 1920. They were still bad in 1922. So empty stomachs went radi- cal. Now they are better. Industry and commerce are already booming, and allowing for the usual lag, farming should be booming by 1924. If, in election year, crops, prices, and markets are good, if the sun shines and the rain falls, and Europe becomes able to buy and pay—then to the Republican party will redound all the glory. Harding and a Re- publican congress will be elected and all will be well in this best of all possible worlds. Voting is not an intellectual process, but merely an automatic tropism. Industrial workers may go radical even when times are good, but farmers do it only when times are bad. So we who are Republicans should pray for prosperity—to the greater end of Re- publican victory. Or else, those of us who are high-brows and believe with Aristotle that man is by nature both a political and a rational animal will hope that the Republican party, or the Democratic, will offer some more cerebral motive than a full stomach for voting “right.”

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AN ENGLISHMAN’S ADVENTURES IN THE UNITED STATES
With Lecture Audiences, Public Men, Sleeping Cars, Central Heating, and the General Public
By PHILIP GIBBS
HEN | first visited the
United States in 1919, the
whole nation was seething
with a conflict of opinion
between pro-Wilsonites and anti-Wilsonites.
It was not a mere academic controversy which people could discuss hotly but without passion. It divided families. It caused quarrels among life-long friends. The mere mention of the name of Wilson spoilt the amenities of any dinner party and trans- formed it into a political meeting.
In my first article for the New York Times, recording my impressions of America, | slipped out the phrase that | was “all for Wilson.” I received, without exaggeration, hundreds of letters from all parts of the United States, “putting me wise” to the thousand and one reasons why Wilson’s doings in Paris would be utterly repudiated by the Senate and people. He had violated the Constitu- tion. He had acted without authority. He had tried to commit the United States to his scheme of the League of Nations against their convictions and consent. On the other hand, there were many people who still regarded him as the greatest leader in the world and the noblest idealist.
Ignorant, like most Englishmen, of the parties and personalities of American politics, at that time, | kept my ears open to all this, but couldn’t avoid falling into pitfalls. | made a delightful “gaffe,” as the French would say, by turning to one gentleman in the Union Club before he acted as my chairman to the lecture | was giving there, and asking him to tell me something of Wilson’s character and history. It was Mr. Charles Hughes, ex- governor of New York, and defeated candi- date for the Presidency against Wilson him- self.
It was the last question which | ought to
have asked, as people explained to me later. But | shall never forget the fine and thought- ful way in which Mr. Hughes answered my question and the subtlety with which he analyzed Wilson’s character, without a touch of personal animosity or a trace of meanness.
| was aware that | was in the pre- sence of a great intellect, and a great gentle- man.
I had the opportunity of talking to Mr. Hughes in each of my three visits, and when he was Secretary of State in Washington, and each time | was more impressed with the con- viction that he was likely to become one of the greatest statesmen of the world, and, un- like many great statesmen, had a fine and delicate sense of honor and a desire for the well-being, not only of the United States but of the human race.
Between my first and second visits Wilson’s tragedy had happened, and the United States had refused to enter the League of Nations. The Republican party had swept the country, inspired by general disgust and disillusion- ment with the Peace of Versailles, by a tidal wave of public opinion against any Adminis- tration which would involve the United States in the jungle of Europe’s racial passions, and by a general desire to be rid of a government associated with all the restrictions, orders, an- noyances, petty injustice, extravagance, and fever of the War régime. As a friend of mine said, the question put to the electors was not “Are you in favor of the League of Nations?’’ but “Are you sick and tired of the present Administration?’’ And the answer was, “By God, we are!”
President Harding reigned in place of Pres- ident Wilson. Owing to the kindness of a brilliant American journalist named Lowell Mellett who had acted for a time as war- correspondent on the Western Front, and who seemed to have the liberty of the White

422
House, the Senate, Congress, and every office, drawing-room, and assembly at Washington, I was received by the President, and had a little conversation with him which ended in a message to the British people through the Review of Reviews, of which | had become editor. It was a message of affection and esteem for the nation which, he said, all Americans of the old school regarded still as the Mother Country—a generous and almost dangerous thing to be said by a President of the United States.
A PRESIDENTIAL ANECDOTE
TALL, heavy, handsome man, with white hair and ruddy face, the new President seemed to me kind-hearted, honest, and well- meaning, without any great gifts of genius or leadership, and a little timid of the enormous responsibility that had come tohim. A year later | saw him again, and had the honor of in- troducing my son Tony. He was surprised that | had a son of that height and age, and it reminded him instantly of an anecdote re- ferring to Chief Justice White and a little lawyer who introduced a tall husky son to him. “Ah,” said the Chief Justice, “a block of the old chip, I see!”’ | saw a distinct change of opinion after my first visit (1 am not pretending that | had anything to do with it) in favor of closer friendship with Great Britain, and economic coéperation with Europe. In every city to which | went | found at least twoor three thou- sand people, according to the size of my place of lecture, quickly and ardently responsive to the idea that America and Great Britain, acting together, might lift the world out of its ruined state and lead civilization to a higher plane. In city clubs, women’s clubs, private dinner-parties, drawing-room meetings, | found great numbers of people desperately anxious about the responsibility of the United States toward European nations, eager to do the right thing, though doubtful what to do, poignantly desirous of getting some lead higher than that of self-interest (though not conflicting with it) and with a generous warm- hearted sympathy for the British folk. Doubtless these groups were insignificant in numbers to the mass of citizens with whom | never came in touch, among whom there was an old strain of suspicion and hostility to England, and all sorts of currents of prej- udice, ill will, hatred even, among Irish,
Philip Gibbs
German, and foreign stocks, in addition to the narrow nationalism, the vulgar selfishness, of many others. That is true, but the people | met, and to whom | lectured, were the in- telligentsia, the leaders of social life, and busi- ness life, the wives, mothers, and daughters of the “leading citizens,” the arbiters and, to some extent, the creators of public opinion. Their hopes, ideals, visions, must, sooner or later, be reflected in national tendencies and acts. Only blind observers would now say that the United States has not revealed in re- cent acts and influence that broadening of out- look which | perceived at work below the sur- face in 1921, and did something, perhaps—not much—to help, by a simple and truthful re- port of facts from this side of the world.
In the United States | had, strange as it may seem, a certain authority as an economic expert! This may surprise my intimate friends, and most of all my wife, who knows that | have never been able to count my change, that | have not as much head for figures as a new-born lamb, and that | have never succeeded in making out a list of ex- penses for journalistic work without gross errors which have put me abominably out of pocket. Yet many of the greatest financiers in the United States—men like the brothers Warburg, and Mr. Mitchell of the National City Bank—invited me to address them on the economic situation in Europe, and agreed with my arguments and conclusions. I re- member one dinner at which | expounded my views on that subject to no less than sixty of the leading financial experts in New York, afterward being subjected to a fire of ques- tions which, to my own amazement, | was able to answer. The truth is, as | quickly perceived, that a few very simple laws under- lie the whole complicated system of interna- tional trade and finance. As long as one held on to those laws, which | did, like grim death, one could not go wrong in one’s analy- sis of the European situation, and all facts and figures adjusted themselves to these ele- mentary principles.
HERBERT HOOVER CALLS
MONG the men who asked me to tell them
a few things they wanted to know, or
the things they knew (better than I did) but wanted to discuss, was Mr. Herbert Hoover, for whom | have the deepest admiration and respect, like all who have met him. He came

An Englishman’s Adventures in the United States
into my room at the Lotos Club one day, un- announced except for a tap at the door by his friend and assistant, George Barr Baker. | had just returned from a journey, and my room was littered with shirts, socks, collars, and the contents of my bags. He paid no heed to all that, but sat back in an armchair and after some questions, talked gravely of world affairs. | need not record here that conversation | had with him—the gist of it is in my book of American impressions, “ People of Destiny,” but | was glad and proud to sit in the presence of a man—so simple, so frank, so utterly truthful—who organized the great- est work of rescue for suffering humanity ever achieved in the history of the world—the American Relief Administration. But for that work, many millions of men, women, and children in the nations most stricken by war would have died of starvation, and Europe would have been swept from end to end by the scourge of pestilence which follows famine. It was Hoover’s business genius, his driving power, the faith that was in him, without any flummery, which created the machinery of that organized charity, and by a kind of mira- cle made it work with wonderful efficiency.
I seem to have been bragging a little in what | have lately written, making myself out
to be an important person, with unusual gifts.
That is not my intention, or my idea. The fact is that the people of the United States give any visitor who arrives with decent cre- dentials a sense of importance, and elevate him for a while above his usual state of insigni- ficance. They herald him with an exaggera- tion of his virtues, his achievements, his rep- utation. Any goose is made to believe him- self a stately swan, by the warmth of courtesy shown toward him, by the boosting of his publicity agent, and by the genuine desire of American citizens to make a guest “feel good”’ with himself.
This has a strange and exhilarating effect upon the visitor. It gives him self confidence. It actually does develop virtues in him. His goose quills actually change into something like swansdown, and his neck distinctly elongates. There is something in the very at- mosphere of New York—electric, sparkling, a little intoxicating—which gives a man Courage, makes him feel bigger, and not only feel bigger but be bigger! This is no fantasy, but actual fact. In the United States | was a more dis- tinguished person than ever | could be in
423
England. 1 spoke more boldly than ever | could in England. | was rather a brave fellow for those few weeks each year, because so many people believed in my quality of character, in my intelligence, in my powers of truth-telling, whereas in England no one be- lieves in anybody.
So | do not boast or preen myself at all when | write about the wonderful times | have had in the United States. It happens to everybody who does not go out of his way (or hers) as some do, to insult a great-hearted people, to put on “side” in American drawing- rooms, to say with an air of superiority “We don’t do that in England, you know!”
I visited many American colleges, and with solemn ceremony was initiated into the sacred brotherhood of a Greek letter society which is the highest honor that can be given to a foreign visitor by the youth of America.
In Canada—at Winnipeg—! was made a Veteran of the Great War by a gathering of old soldiers.
At Salt Lake City | lectured to 6,000 Mor- mons—most moral and admirable people— in their Tabernacle, and was received on the platform by a Hallelujuh Chorus from sixty Mormon maidens.
In Detroit, where | began my first speech of the day at 9:30 in the morning, I spoke down a funnel on the subject of the Russian Famine, which was “ broadcast”’ to millions of people late that night.
| travelled thousands of miles, and in every smoking carriage talked with groups of men who told me thousands of anecdotes and put me wise to everv aspect of American life from the inside.
I was entertained at luncheon, dinner, and supper by the “leading citizens”’ of scores of cities, and made friends with numbers of charming, courteous, cultured people.
AMERICAN VS. BRITISH REPORTERS
WAS interviewed by battalions of reporters
who received me as a brother of their craft, and never once let me down by putting into my mouth words | did not wish to say. They were mostly young college men and, though | hate to say it, a keener, better-educated crowd, on the whole, than the average of their kind in English journalism.
I will record only one more of the wonderful things that happened to me as a representa- tive of English journalism in New York.



424 Philip
On the eve of my departure, after my second visit, a dinner was given in my honor at the Biltmore. It was organized by Mrs. Mac- Vickar, who has the organizing genius of a lady Napoleon, and a Committee of ladies, and a thousand people were there. They in- cluded all the most distinguished people in New York, many of the most distinguished in America, and they were there to testify their friendship to England. They were there also to express their friendship, if | may dare say so, to me, as a man who had tried to serve England, and America too, in speaking, and in writing, the simple truth. They wrote all their names in a book that was given to me at the dinner, and | keep it as a great treasure, holding the token of a nation’s kindness.
What added a little sauce piquante to the proceedings was the delivery from time to time during the dinner of notes from Sinn Feiners parading outside the hotel. The first message | read was not flattering. “You are a dirty English rat. You ought to be de- ported.”” Another informed me that | was a paid agent of the British Government. Another was a general indictment informing all American citizens that it was a disgrace to dine with me, and an act of treachery to their own nation. Another little missive described me as a typical blackguard in a nation of cut-throats. So they followed each other to the high-table, where | was the guest of honor. ;
THE DANGERS OF AMERICA
HAD a great time in the United States on
each of my three visits, but, notwithstand- ing all | have said, | shall never make another lecture tour in that country. The fatigue of it demands the physique of an Arctic explorer combined with that of an African lion-tamer. Several times | nearly succumbed to tinned tomato soup. Twice did | lose my voice in a wind forty below zero, and regain it by doses of medicine which destroyed my digestive organs. Nightly was I roasted alive in sleeping-berths. Daily did my head swell to unusual proportions, not in conceit, but in a central heating system which is a terror to Englishmen. Visibly did | wither away as | travelled from city to city, received by depu- tations of leading citizens on arrival, after a
Gibbs
sleep-disturbed night, with the duty ahead of keeping bright and intelligent through a long day’s programme, saying the right thing to the gracious ladies who entertained me at lunch, the bright thing to the City Club which entertained me at dinner, the true thing to all the questions asked about Europe, England, Lloyd George, Prohibition, Mrs. Asquith, the American flapper, Bolshevism, France, and the biological necessity of war, to business men, professors, journalists, poets, financiers, bishops, society leaders in Kansas City, or Grand Rapids, the President of the Mormon church, the editors of the local newspapers, the organizers of my lecture that evening, and the unknown visitors who called on me at the hotel all through the day, and every day.
One can’t keep that sort of thing up. wearing. . ..
| remember that in the Copley Plaza Hotel at Boston, a little old gentleman carrying a black bag tapped at my door and introduced himself by the name of Dr. Gibbs. He said that his hobby in life was to search out Gibbses in the United States, and he had found thousands! He presented me with a copy of the Gibbs Family Bulletin, and open- ing his black bag produced a photograph of his great-grandfather.
It was my son Tony who called my atten- tion to the fact that | was amazingly like that venerable man, who was toothless (he lived before the era of American dentistry) and with hair that had worn thin as the sere and yellow leaf. | decided that I should become ex- actly like him, “sans hair, sans teeth,” if | continued this career as an English lecturer in America, In order to avoid premature old age, | made a resolve (which | shall probably break) not to make another lecture tour in the United States.
But of all my journalistic adventures, | count these American experiences as my most splendid time, and for the American people | have a deep gratitude and affection. I can
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only try to repay their kindness by using my pen whenever possible to increase the friend- ship between our countries, to kill prejudice and slander, and to advocate that unwritten alliance between our two peoples which | believe will one day secure the peace of the world.




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GRAIN MARKETING UNDER GOVERNMENT RULE
A Simple Explanation of the Grain Futures Act, Which Was De- signed to Prevent Speculative Manipulation of the Price of Wheat
By EDWARD JEROME DIES
HE long arm of the Government has
been extended around the nation’s
grain exchanges. To-day these
commodity markets are functioning
under a new law known as the Grain Futures Act. This new law may be said to represent the climax of one of the most drama- tic fights in agricultural history.
Like all new laws having to do with govern- ment in business, this statute, effective early in May, has been the cause of extreme un- easiness. During the first few days of its operation, the telegraph wires and cables clattered with messages of inquiry. Most of these messages were directed to officers of the Chicago Board of Trade, the hub of world grain commerce.
They came from farmers, exporters, millers, country elevator owners, and bankers. They constituted a veritable deluge of questions. Is the futures market destroyed? Has specu- lation been abolished? _Is it unlawful to hedge our wheat at harvest time? Is there a limitation on quantity purchases and sales? To all such questions the emphatic answer was No.
But in spite of repeated assurances, and in spite of attempts by the Federal Department of Agriculture to encourage normal use of the grain futures market, the law created such tremendous uncertainty during the first month that the speculative public left the mar- ket almost completely. The result was that wheat prices dropped to levels not justified by the statistical position of that grain.
In analyzing the new law it should be clearly stated at the outset that there is no intent to bar speculation. On the contrary, speculation is recognized as a necessary factor in the economic marketing of grain.
There are five outstanding points in the law.
1. The exchange must compel each member
to retain for three years records of all trades made by or through his firm. Such a policy was voluntarily being followed.
2. A complete report to the Secretary of Agriculture must be made by the exchange or any member at any time that official deems a report necessary. This is to note possible irregularities.
3. Dissemination of false crop or marketing news is forbidden. The exchange itself has long had rules for the expulsion of members guilty of such sharp practice. This rule now becomes a Federal law.
4. Provision is made for vigorous action against any one attempting price manipula- tion.
5. The exchange must admit to member- ship representatives of codperative bodies and permit them to rebate profits to the farm group members as patronage dividends. In opposing this provision the grain trade argued that the whole morale of the exchange had been builded upon a uniform commission rate; that cutting commissions would under- mine the fundamentals of the exchange, and that there should not be such discrimination in favor of new members as against old ones.
That, briefly, outlines the new law as ap- plied to modern grain marketing.
What will be the result?
] asked the question of Mr. John J. Stream, president of the Chicago Board of Trade and for years a leader in the grain industry.
“It is too early to predict,” he replied. “American grain exchanges have been given the stamp of governmental approval. We feel that this action will tend to encourage the grain trade into greater use of the futures trading system.
“Certainly every provision of the act will be strictly conformed to by our association. Should the law fail of its purpose, it will be through its own deficiencies.
Edward Jerome
Dies
WHERE THE BUYERS CONGREGATE
The whole exchange floor of the Chicago Board of Trade.
This market, like other grain ex-
changes, is now under Federal supervision through the enactment of the Grain Futures Act
“The grain exchange has now met all the demands of leaders of the various agrarian coéperative groups. Our association will do its utmost to maintain the high standard of marketing efficiency which for years has been an outstanding chapter in commercial history. This will be possible, however, only through the constructive help of farmers and their leaders and a lessening of political agitation— an agitation that in recent years has wrought havoc with many industries and at times threatened to undermine the nation’s eco- nomic structure.
“We hope the new law will solve any real or imaginary ills. But the future alone holds the answer.”
Secretary of Agriculture Wallace has prom- ised to administer the law in a careful, judi- cious manner that will not tend to create trade disturbances.
“Reports that this law will put the grain exchanges out of business or interfere with their legitimate functions are entirely with- out foundation,” said a statement authorized by Secretary Wallace. “It does not interfere with hedging transactions. Neither does it interfere with ordinary speculation in the buying and selling of contracts for future delivery.
“If, however, there should be evidence of undue manipulation or attempts to corner the market, or of the dissemination of false information about crop or market conditions, such conduct would be inquired into and promptly dealt with as required by law. The law gives authority to observe and in- quire into the operations on grain exchanges
and to speak with authority concerning such matters.”
Grain marketing has always been a big problem, and one subject to controversy. The crop is marketed in a period of a few months and must be doled out to foreign buyers and to domestic consumers through- out the year. The present system, with futures trading facilities, has its imper- fections, but as Secretary Wallace and others testified at Congressional hearings, it is by far the best system yet devised. It was de- veloped step by step with the growth of agriculture.
Back in the days when the Middle West was new, when paddlewheel steamers churned the muddy streams, and when railroads were only a hope, the farmer hauled his grain to town and received the price the merchant cared to pay. There was no means of de- termining true values.
Three quarters of a century ago the Chicago Board of Trade was formed by a group of merchants to enforce fair trade practices and to gather and disseminate crop information. This solved some of the problems of the grain farmer. Years later, as production increased and the question of distribution became more and more acute, it was found that dealing in contracts for the future delivery of grain was necessary to the economical marketing of the crops. Thereupon the so-called futures grain market was created.
Speculation makes the futures market. And the futures market makes possible “hedging” or commercial price insurance on grain. Leading economists told Congressional

Grain Marketing Under Government Rule
committees that it is the ability to hedge grain and thus protect against losses that has re- duced the toll between producer and consumer to a point lower than exists in any other staple foodstuff.
Few outside the grain industry are familiar with the exact process of hedging. Let us take a suppositious case of a country elevator. The owner has purchased from reighboring farmers 5,000 bushels of wheat at $1 a bushel, which price is based on the prevailing price in the world market at Chicago. The eleva- tor man will be unable to deliver that wheat to the next owner for perhaps sixty days. Meantime unforeseen conditions may cause prices to fall, with loss to the elevator man.
To protect himself he goes into the futures market and sells 5,000 bushels of wheat for delivery at some future time. This separate transaction in the futures market constitutes a hedge. Later on the elevator man delivers the physical wheat which he had purchased from the farmers. In the meantime the price has fallen to, say, 90 cents a bushel. On the physical wheat, then, the elevator man loses 10 cents a bushel. It is now time for
a ie
427
him to round out his hedging transaction (the separate deal in the futures market). He does so by buying in the 5,000 bushels he had sold short at $1 a bushel. He buys the 5,000 bushels at the prevailing price of 90 cents a bushel. Therefore he makes 10 cents a bushel on his hedging transaction. This profit off- sets the loss on the physical wheat. So the elevator man made only his normal elevator service profit. He was not concerned with price swings, as his transaction was insured by the hedge.
Without this insurance, the elevator man would be compelled to pay less for the farm- er’s wheat. For he would then be carrying the risk himself and the bill would inevitably be passed along to the farmer in the form of lower prices.
In the same general way the futures market is used for hedging by millers, exporters, manu- facturers of food products, and others who must anticipate their future needs. The market thus becomes a delicate machine which reacts quickly to world conditions and in so doing tends tostabilize the domestic and foreign grain crops in their competition with each other.
‘ i ia
* 79

BUYING AND SELLING
Every trade in the futures market is recorded by official clerks.
Under the law, records
of these grain trades are kept on file for three years for possible government inspection

428
At harvest time hedging sales hit Chicago in a mighty outpour of millions of bushels. It is at such periods that the value of organ- ized speculation is most forcibly driven home. The speculator always is in the market under normal conditions, and this gigantic volume of hedging sales is absorbed with only the usual price fluctuations. Like an insurance company the speculative side of the market is ready to assume the risk which the producer, distributor, and consumer wish to avoid. It is the aim of the Government to administer the new law without destroying this compe- tent speculation which seems to have been harnessed for the public good.
Dissatisfaction which brought about the new law grew out of post-war price deflation. There was a Government fixed price for wheat during the war and therefore no reason for a wheat futures market. - In other words there could: be no speculation as to what the future price would be. The Government had settled it. A few months after the close of the war, the normal marketing machinery was restored with the usual facilities for trading in con- tracts for future delivery of wheat.
But the war-time demand for wheat had vanished.- Values started tumbling. Along with prices of all other farm products wheat prices slumped. downward and downward. Canada and the Argentine, like America, had
Edward Jerome Dies
surpluses to offer the world. And the world was not doing its customary buying.
Quite naturally the farmer was disturbed. An outcry was sounded against the middle- man and the marketing machinery. The common contention of farm leaders, shorn of all its bewildering phraseology, was that big traders in the futures market were able on occasion to swing prices to the discomfort of the farmer.
Such a condition required immediate action. The solution, they said, was new laws, and by January of 1921 Congress faced more new marketing legislation than had been introduced in half a dozen previous sessions. Many intended panaceas were so obviously unsound that they were given only superficial examination. The more fantastic bills would have junked the whole system. For a time the agitation all but paralyzed the grain trade. Reports reached Washington that the ex- changes planned to close their doors if certain legislation went through.
Finally interest centred upon the Capper- Tincher bill. This measure, enacted into law, was based on taxation. A heavy tax was placed on every bushel of grain traded in contrary to the law. The Supreme Court found this law unconstitutional.
Immediately another bill was prepared. Its provisions were largely the same, but it
THE TELEGRAPH DEPARTMENT OF THE CHICAGO BOARD OF TRADE
These instruments send out grain and provision price quotations. A powerful radio station now broadcasts quotations every 3¢ minutes

Grain Marketing Under Government Rule
SAMPLES OF GRAIN ON
Gis * re< 2]
| eee guy v ¥ L 7 ‘ot.
THE TRADING FLOOR
Four hundred million bushels of grain are handled annually in the cash department of the Chicago Board of Trade
had the interstate commerce law instead of taxation as a basis. Public hearings, which had been in progress periodically for nearly two years, were resumed in Washington in July of 1922. Meantime it had been shown that natural conditions had caused the post- war price slump. Several other complaints made early in the fight likewise had been clarified to the satisfaction of conservative farm leaders.
So the situation simmered down to a place where extravagant charges of frequent and deliberate market manipulation were largely brushed aside. Farm leaders, the Govern- ment, and the grain trade were genuinely an- xious to obtain a law that would correct any evils and still leave the market free, open, and competitive, where the farmer’s grain might be sold at any business hour for a price based on world supply and demand. The present grain futures act, some parts of which were strongly opposed, was the result.
It is to the credit of the grain exchanges that the moment the law was held constitu- tional by the Supreme Court they set about to aid the Government in its enforcement. Rules of the Chicago Board of Trade, an asso- ciation of 1,600 members with Chicago bank balances of two hundred million dollars, were at once amended to conform to the statute. The Department of Agriculture then desig- nated the board a contract market under the law. Other leading exchanges took like ac- tion and also came under Government super- Vision.
Thus ends the three-year battle for Federal legislation. To-day the farmers have a law
that will absolutely prevent market manipu- lation. The Secretary of Agriculture merely calls for reports if he suspects irregularities. That legal club alone will prevent any sane man from entering the market on a broad scale with a view to depressing or enhancing prices.
But in reaching out after the big, powerful speculator whose real or imaginary exploits are suspected of creating a bad influence, the law seems to have frightened away the ordi- nary speculator whose support of the market is essential under the present system.
Market observers and editorial writers in the grain belt are almost unanimous in assert- ing that the ordinary speculator was driven from the market simply through fear of Gov- ernment in business. Yet there is every rea- son for the speculator to feel more secure than in the past. The Government takes note of his usefulness in the world of commerce, and supervision of the market is intended to pro- tect him as well as the farmer and miller from unfair practices.
It is a riddle that must solve itself. When the rather puzzling law is understood, there is every reason for the market to become health- ier than at any time since the cry went up for Government rule.
On the other hand, if the new statute causes a shaky, narrow market, poorly supported by the speculative public during the heavy hedg- ing period of harvest, farmers may suffer from low prices. In such event, say the marketing economists, farmers themselves will demand repeal or amendment of the law at the next session of Congress. )

A PIG HUNT IN THE SULU ISLANDS
How Five Men from the American Army Camp at Bongao, Sulu Islands, Went Pig Hunting, and the Surprising Outcome of Their Trip. A Heroic Story of the American Troops in the Philippines
By LT.-COL. SYDNEY A. CLOMAN
NE day Sergeant De Wolf came to me and said that a party consisting of himself, Corporal Mygatt, Musician Greathouse and Privates Gibbons and Car-
ter would like permission to go pig hunting the following week on northern Tawi-Tawi Island, and asked if | could not go with them. | occasionally accompanied these hunting parties, so replied that | would join them and that we would leave on the following Monday.
It was always a pleasure to be with these particular men. Hardy, resourceful, and full of fun, better companions could not be imagin- ed, and the fact that I usually entered the mosquito-haunted jungle with a supply of whiskey and quinine with which | impartially dosed them all did not detract from my own popularity as a member of such expeditions. De Wolf was a blonde giant of such intelli- gence and attainments that | had long had my eye on him as being worthy of a commis- sion. Mygatt was then a tall, wiry stripling, who later received his commision, became himself the governor of a province of Mindanao, and after splendid service in the World War resigned as a Lieutenant-Colonel. Great- house was a Texan of remarkable strength and endurance and his later experiences are almost unbelievable. Gibbons was a young- ster who had run away to sea from a fine home, became a rolling stone, and because of his knowledge of boats and sails was invariably my companion on all expeditions. Carter the youngest of the party, was a blithe and happy youth who loved the service and especially our unusual life at Bongao.
| was subject at this time to occasional attacks of malaria that would for a few days put m. entirely out of business. The be- ginning was a fainting spell, but the truly heroic treatment of our French doctor and my own good constitution were usually sufficient to restore me to health in a few days. I was
greatly disappointed when one of these at- tacks came on just before we were to leave on our hunting trip, and the whole party re- quested that the departure be postponed until | should be able to join them. But after a day’s delay with no change in my condition, I told them to go on and that | would join the next party.
So they left in our sail-rigged whitehall boat and made their first stop at Bilimbing, a town on the east coast of Tawi-Tawi, about twenty miles away. This is a large and prosperous village, noted for the building of fine boats and ruled by four chiefs of equal rank but un- equal wealth and power, the principal one being the Panglima Djenal who presented me with the kriss at my first durbar, as already related. Djenal was away at this time, but they met the other chiefs, wandered over the town, and did some trading for curios and fruit. When they left the town a couple of hours later, they were followed by a large prau containing ten natives whom they had met at Bilimbing, and who said they also were bound for nothern Tawi-Tawi to get building material. After following the coast north to the point where they expected to hunt, it was concluded because of the mosquito pest to camp for the night on a sand-bar about a mile off shore. Just before nightfall the party of natives joined them there and a pleasant evening was had by all. The soldiers were whist players, and as that game seemed to greatly interest the Moros, they were pre- sented with a deck of cards. The next morn- ing both boats crossed to Tawi-Tawi, and the hunting party made its permanent camp on a small open hill top about sixty feet above the beach. A large tent-fly was pitched, the hunting and cooking gear was moved up, and finally the plug pulled from the bottom of the boat and she was allowed to sink in a shallow until needed for the return to Bongao. In the meantime, the natives were busy and

A Pig Hunt in
helpful. They collected some bejuco vine and building material and made a new car to replace one belonging to the whitehall that had been broken. They were unarmed, but of course all carried the heavy chopping knives with which they work in the woods. After supper, Mygatt cleaned his rifle while the other four spread a blanket and started their whist game, with the natives again as interested spectators. Later, Mygatt un- dressed and went down to the beach for a swim, leaving his companions engaged in their game, with the natives squatting around them. By this time night was falling.
While Mygatt was bathing, he heard some shots and screams, shortly followed by the noise of natives running to the beach. At that stage of tide, there were a number of small moss-covered rocks above the water, and he at once submerged as far as possible with his head behind one of the rocks. After searching for him for a time, the natives got into their boat and pushed off in the darkness. One of the terrors of the long night following was the lack of knowledge of their where- abouts and the-expectation that they would return at any moment.
Mygatt then returned to camp, found a dis- tressing state of affairs, and learned what had happened. The natives, squatting behind the whist players at a given signal had drawn their jungle knives and tried to behead them. De Wolf was struck fairly on the neck and was killed instantly. Gibbons was struck just above the neck, making a three-inch gash in the skull from which his brains oozed. He called out that he was blind, but managed to stagger across the tent and get his loaded rifle. He actually succeeded in firing some shots, but of course without effect, and soon his left hand was severed and he was hacked to earth. A native then seized his rifle and shot him through the body below the heart, and he was at last helpless. The one whose job it was to slash at Carter’s neck made a mess of it. The knife struck a cord of the tent-fly and flew out of his hand. However, he some- what redeemed himself by grabbing a hatchet and sinking it into Carter’s back, temporarily paralyzing him. The butcher detailed for Greathouse caught him squarely on the neck, but the knife not only was dull (it hangs on my wall now) but about the middle of the blade a large fragment had been broken from the edge about an inch long and one half inch
the Sulu Islands
431
deep. The head was practically half severed from the body, but by wonderful luck this big nick in the blade arched over the spine. The carotid artery was pressed against the spine, and while its walls were mutilated by the ragged edge they were not quite broken through. All rifles and weapons had been taken by the natives.
Then followed a night of horror. Gibbons was still alive, but all that could be done was to tie up such wounds as possible and stop the loss of blood. It was noted afterward on his final papers that he had forty-six wounds including those mentioned above. The heroic struggle of Gibbons against these savages was an inspiration to us all in the events that followed. Carter and Greathouse recovered to some extent, but Mygatt could do nothing except place towels soaked in sea water in their wounds and try to prevent the awful infection of the tropics. And throughout the
night, the Moros might step from the jungle at any minute and finish up these unarmed men. It is inconceivable that they did not do so.
THE RETURN TO BONGAO
HE next thing Mygatt had to do was to raise the boat and bail it out, and this was
the work of hours. Then the dead and-wound- ed were carried down the hill and a start made for Bongao. The wind was light or contrary, so nearly the entire distance had to be rowed. Carter helped some, and Greathouse was able to give unexpected assistance. Because of the severing of some of his neck muscles, he did not have full control of his head and when unsupported his left cheek rested against his left breast. So all night long with a brine- soaked towel in his gaping wound, he held his head on straight with his left hand and rowed with his right. When owing to the low tide the boat grounded on a submerged coral flat off Bilimbing, he went over-board with My- gatt and helped push the boat through half a mile of shallows. When, however, the hot tropical sun arose, the effect was sudden and serious. Poor Gibbons at last died, and Greathouse and Carter lost consciousness and slid into the bottom of the boat with the dead. About nine o’clock that morning a soldier who had been down to the Point came up to me and said, “Sir, | think something has happened to De Wolf’s party. The boat is lying off the Point almost becalmed. Mygatt is sitting in the stern with bowed head, and


432
he would not answer my hail.””__| sent him on with instructions to the surgeon to join me at once, and hastened to the landing place, where | found the tide slowly bringing the whitehall in. Mygatt was able to steer but could not speak. “The dead, steered by the dumb, came upward with the tide.”
Soon loving hands moved the bodies to the hospital, while | took charge of Mygatt. He had reached his limit, and | was dreadfully afraid that he would collapse before | could get some information from him. However, | gave him a jolt of whiskey, and he gave me the few details that | had to know at once. He was then tucked away in his own bed, and the men in that vicinity spoke in whispers during the remainder of the day. When he awoke about four o’clock in the afternoon he was quite normal and able to give a complete account of the affair.
Our surgeon had been at work with the wounded, but reported that while he hoped for the best he could do but little for them. They had recovered from their collapse, but the wounds were infected and it was mostly a question of whether this infection would break through the walls of the artery in the case of Greathouse, or work in to the spine in the case of Carter.
PREPARING THE EXPEDITION
N THE meantime, from the moment Mygatt landed, | had been preparing an expedition. All native boats at Bongao were embargoed, not only because | would need the boats, but also to stop the news going out of my intended departure. Owing to the fact that this was a most puzzling blow out of a clear sky, | could not tell whether it was the beginning of a campaign of murder by the chiefs, or an isolated instance of killing by irresponsibles for the rifles and loot. So | put Datto Tan- ton under surveillance and notified him that he would be taken with me but that | would take no native contingent except a couple of boatmen and guides. Every effort was made to scrape up boats, but at that time no large praus were at Bongao and only the whitehall and a few outrigger canoes were available. Loaded to the utmost, only forty men could be accommodated. And then came _ the question of the men. For certain special work, | chose about twenty, leaving the others for the men themselves to select. | closed my eyes to the methods used, and have no aoubt
Lt.-Col. Sydney A. Cloman
that many a man got his coveted place by holding three of a kind, or rolling an elusive seven. In any case, the camp was soon noticeably divided into the joys and glooms, and | was told that no place was for sale, nc difference how fabulous the offer. Finally. some of the disappointed ones came to me and asked if they could go if during the night they could rig some sort of a sea-going craft that would carry them. | consented, and when the expedition left the next morning, we were accompanied by two weird looking catama- rans that caused much laughter. | had ex- pected some of the boats to capsize in their overloaded condition, but | did not anticipate any particular danger as the men were good swimmers, the water deliciously warm, and beaches or coral reefs were always near. As for the sharks, we would have to trust to provi- dence. | was not disappointed in my expecta- tions. After the first puff, the doughty cru- saders in the catamarans were in the water, but instead of the wild excitement of rescue they received only a shout of laughter from the other boats and the forlorn and disappointed castaways were picked up orpthe beaches on our return. Later, several other crafts got into difficulty, but all of them were righted and joined us later at Bilimbing.
At last we were on our way. I had Mygatt and Datto Tanton with me as | wanted to get the last shred of information from the former and keep the latter under my eye. He knew that | was puzzled and uncertain about him, and he was very unhappy that I had not called upon his native contingents for help. | never distrusted him again. The _ breeze freshened and at one time I| was gravely con- cerned as to the ultimate strength of my force, as several of the boats got into trouble and dropped behind. However, all we could do was to push on with the remainder, trusting to the laggards to help each other and hoping that the sharks were all asleep. When we finally rounded the point and Bilimbing lay before us, the expedition had dwindled from 45 to 15 men; but later in the day and during the following night all straggled in with the ex- ception of the hopeless catamarans.
As soon as we were seen, the alarm gongs began to beat in Bilimbing but no movement was visible in the town. As usual it was built on piles, the beach beneath being dry at low tide, the run-ways of scaffolding connecting the houses with each other and with the shore.

ngs ent uilt low ting ore.
Ny AN
LZ
HOW THE BILIMBING MURDERERS WERE CAUGHT
After the arrival at Bilimbing of Colonel Cloman and his party of fifteen men, the three chiefs of the village
were ordered to put in their appearance. Because the one soldier who escaped uninjured from the murderers
could identify but one Bilimbing citizen as a member of the murderous group, Colonel Cloman assured the
three chiefs that he would have them shot at intervals of one minute if they did-not find the guilty men. The chiefs soon “caved” and presently the ten men were tied to stakes and trees on the shore


434
The tide at this time was about half-flood and many boats were tied below the houses. Our dispositions were simple and made with the greatest haste. One boat was sent directly in to cut the town off from land, while men were dropped off on the seaward side in water about waist deep to complete the surrounding movement. The orders were also simple— to permit any one approaching the town to enter it, but to shoot any one leaving it. | kept six men with me as a necessary striking unit, and we took our post on a large black rock rising from the beach near the town and which was then being slowly surrounded by the incoming tide.
HOW WE FOUND THE CRIMINALS
N MY demand, the three chiefs came out
and joined me on the rock and transmit- ted my orders to the inhabitants about leaving the town. No sooner was this done, than a man dropped into a boat lying under one of the houses and began to row frantically to sea. | asked Sergeant Brockman the name of the man who was on that post. He replied that it was Corporal Reynolds. “Then the Moro is a dead man,” | said. The Corporal was by all odds the worst shot in the company—one of those rare cases where all instruction and endeavor was of no avail; but | have often noticed that for some unexplainable reason the failure on the target range brings in the biggest bag of game and never misses killing when he accidently discharges his rifle in barracks. Sure enough, the Moro soon sprang into the air and dropped back into the bottom of his boat. The tide finally brought him to our rock and we found that he had been shot through the body below the heart. He wasa perfectly innocent man whohad become locoed by the order against leaving the town, and | am happy to say recovered and lived happily thereafter as a pet of the delighted and sur- prised Corporal. He was used as a sort of “Exhibit A’? when the Corporal was jollied on the rifle range.
After this little diversion, | resumed my serious conversation with the three chiefs. They said they were not implicated in the murders in any way. This was believable. They said they did not know who was guilty, and in fact had never heard of the affair until 1 told them. | knew this to bea lie. In the intimate life of a Malay tribe, it would be im-
Lt.-Col. Sydney A. Cloman
possible to keep the chiefs in ignorance of such an important event.
However, | was not ready for extreme mea- sures, for | believed | had a plan that would cut out the guilty from the herd. | therefore told the chiefs to order every man in the town to strip to the waist and come out unarmed. Over 400 men were soon on the rock which by that time was entirely surrounded with water. We kept them under the guns, but the dis- parity of numbers made me rather anxious, particularly as in the pursuance of my plan it would be necessary to use three of my six men for other purposes. Mygatt looked them over as they arrived, and set aside several as suspects; but although | did not ex- pect to find the guilty among them, | was rather disturbed to discover that either be- cause of the horrors of the night of his escape or because of the traditional fact that under certain conditions “all coons look alike,” he would not be able to pick out the guilty na- tives with any certainty, and certainty would be important to all concerned. A sergeant and two men were then sent into the town to make a house-to-house search for men who had not come out, and there is where | ex- pected to find the guilty. In any case, they had disobeyed the order to come out, and when about 20 of them were pulled out of their hiding places and sent to the rock, | noted without surprise or grave displeasure that the butts of the rifles had been rather busy on the heads. Mygatt identified one of these positively. But there it ended and our well-laid plan had come to an impasse.
It was time for serious measures, and | was not averse to using them. I carefully ex- plained to the three chiefs that their law as well as ours made them accessories after the fact, and this was punishable by death; and then asked them if | had ever lied to them or anyone else. They said | had not, and that they would believe me. | asked them if they would believe me if | told them that I was going to shoot them, and they solemnly said that they would. | then pronounced them guilty and told them that the senior would be shot exactly at nine o'clock, one minute later the next senior, and one minute after that the junior. The only thing that could possi- bly save them would be turning over all ten murderers before that time, and even then the offense of becoming participants after the crime would have to be seriously judged. |

A Pig Hunt in
called the attention of the senior to the fact that the other two held the edge, as they could still confess and save themselves after he was very dead, but the house was not very re- sponsive to my joke. Tanton asked that they be returned to the town under his charge as his advice would be wanted, and | cheer- fully consented as they could not possibly get away. In the meantime, our delayed boats began arriving with the men no worse off for their ducking and exposure to sharks.
WHY THE CRIME WAS COMMITTED
O MAKE a long story short, the chiefs caved and soon ten men were tied up to trees and stakes on shore. | spent the entire night talking to them one by one, learned that Cari was their ring leader, which blows each one struck, and where the rifles were con- cealed. The object of the murders was the most important question, and was virtually unsolvable. Was it for revenge? “No, Tuan, we never saw the men before.” Was it for the rifles? “No, if we would take them out ‘of hiding, you would know us and kill us.” After hours of talk, it always came down to the fact that the soldiers were in their power and could be killed; much like a child will throw a pebble at a bird or an automobile. | found ‘that one man had struck no blow and sug- gested that he was guilty in a minor degree; but from every stake there was much laughter and | learned that he was the one who had conceived the plan and coached Cari in it! Soon after Cari had confessed his leadership and had been returned to his stake, | heard a strange choking sound from the darkness and found Tanton twisting a cord about his neck until it was not much larger than a broom stick. The old fellow, filled with re- sentment and worry over the crime that had disturbed my confidence in him, was trying to take a quiet and summary revenge. | was in time to save Cari and get his tongue back in his system. The end of the tragic story was very rapid and complete. On being released from their Stakes in preparation for breakfast and the return to Bongao, they made a desperate
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435
break for liberty and in the melee were all killed.
At that time the little-brown-brother craze in America had gone to a length now almost inconceivable. Among these deluded “hu- manitarians” the treacherous murder of a splendid American caused no remark other than that “he should not have been there,” while the news of the death of the murderer aroused shrieks of rage and resentment. When finally the account of my expedition appeared in the American papers, my mail be- came very heavy. | had letters of commen- dation and letters of censure and newspaper clippings galore. Two that arrived in the same mail seemed strangely complementary to each other. One was a passionate letter from a young lady in St. Louis with grave designs upon my bachelor state and who wished a picture of her “dream-man” with- out delay; the other was a mythical picture of me from a Boston paper in which the artist truly tried to make the punishment fit the crime. Ferocity and degeneracy could be read in every protuberance of my mis-shapen skull and gorilla-like face, and he had even impregnated the cut of my clothes with his venom. By simply enclosing this portrait of the “dream-man” to the young lady, | managed to preserve my bachelorhood for several more years, and doubtless did some young Missourian a good turn.
Some weeks later, | took it into my head to go up and spend the night at Bilimbing alone; and to any one who knows the Malay charac- ter and tribal organization, this is not nearly as reckless as it sounds. This | did, thereby causing the chiefs great anguish of mind for they knew exactly what was coming to them if my visit were not an uneventful one. | slept peacefully in a house surrounded by thirty native sentries with knives, and was almost lifted into a boat and shoved off by the enthusiastic populace the next morning. Bilimbing has since been a prosperous and orderly town, but there are too many be- reaved and irresponsible relatives of the late deceased there for me ever to expect an invi- tation to their Old Home Week.


VENTILATION
FOR HEALTH
AND COMFORT
The Effects of Heat and Humidity on the Human Body, and What Science Is Doing to Provide the Right Kind of Air Indoors at All Seasons
By FLOYD W. PARSONS
Photos by courtesy of the American Society of Heating and Ventilating Engineers
N THE warfare of mankind against heat and cold, we have advanced farther in our defense against cold than against heat. The Arctic regions have been more nearly conquered than the tropics. People in
the Far North have made greater progress in dispelling cold than those living near the Equator have, made in combating the dis- comforts and dangers of heat.
The twin science of heating is ventilation, and although our heating practices are more or less crude, they are far superior to the ven- tilation methods we have so far developed. In a near to-morrow we shall devote as much attention to cooling our homes, offices, and factories in the summer-time as we now give to heating them in the winter. Already there are successful arrangements by which indoor spaces are cooled by means of indirect radiat- ing surfaces without fans. There is no scien- tific or technical reason why we cannot cool rooms with the same radiators, piping, etc., that we now use to heat them. With suchan arrangement the radiators would have to be placed on pans to catch the drip of moisture from the cold surfaces in the warm months
Suppose we take a bucket of chilled air and carry it around ona warm summer day. This we can do, and literally not spill a drop of the air. The cool air is heavy and will not rise out of the bucket. But if we make a hole in the bottom of the vessel, then we lose our cold air, for it will flow out like water.
By bearing this in mind Dr. Bell proved how easy it is to keep an ordinary residence cool in the hot months. In cooling his house he discovered how necessary it is to keep the doors closed and the windows open at the top instead of the bottom. No house can be cooled in-summer unless it is air-proof at the base. Just the reverse of this idea is helpful in cold weather when the thing we want to save is the warm air.
The fact is that the whole problem of keep- ing warm or cool is closely linked up with the subject of ventilation. We have come to know how silly it is to judge air by using a dry-bulb thermometer, for the dry-bulb tem- perature does not determine comfort. We have also commenced to understand the vital importance of humidity in the air we breathe. If the air contains too little moisture, then the rate of heat loss from the body by evaporation becomes too rapid, and a sensation of chilli- ness is produced. When there is an excess of humidity, there is retarded evaporation, which produces a feeling of nervous irritation and enervation. We will have made a long step forward when every person understands that for every degree of temperature and velocity of air motion, there is a proper degree of relative humidity.
There is no better way to cut down our fuel bills than by simply moistening the indoor air we breathe. The average person will feel warmer at a temperature of 68 degrees with a 50 per cent. humidity than at a temperature of 80 degrees with a 25 or 30 per cent. hu- midity. Last winter in one large factory the workers were listless and individual produc- tion was most unsatisfactory. A ventilation expert was called in, the temperature reduced 11 degrees to an average of 68, the humidity increased to 46 per cent., and as a result of these changes the productive capacity of the employees for work was increased one-third.
It is impossible in the winter-time to pro- vide proper air conditions in our homes and working places without calling to our aid some method of air-moistening. In a great many of our Central and Eastern States, the average winter temperature is about 34 degrees and the humidity about 58 per cent. If we take this outside air and try to make it comfortable indoors, it must be heated to at least 80 de- grees, for in warming it up the humidity is

Ventilation for Health and Comfort
decreased to about 22 per cent., which is 10 per cent. under the moisture content of the Sahara Desert atmosphere.
Temperature is largely responsible for the wide variations in human efficiency. Dry air is largely responsible for many ailments of the nose and throat. When the air we breathe is lacking in moisture, an extra load is thrown on the respiratory membranes, producing irri- tation, lowered vitality, and a predisposition to colds. Very dry air also takes the moisture from the woodwork of the house, the walls, and the glue in the furniture, thus causing warping, the appearance of unsightly cracks in plastering, and rapid deterioration of the furniture.
In actual house-heating practice it is seldom feasible to provide a humidity of more than 40 per cent., for if the moisture in the air is greater than this, it is likely that the condensa- tion on the windows will be excessive unless double windows are used. In order to humidify an average house of, say, 15,000 cubic feet air capaci.y, it will be necessary to evaporate a littl: more than 1 gallon of water per hour during the daytime. Water pans for radiators and furnaces, and efficient hu- midifying apparatus can be easily obtained in almost every community.
At one time the whole thought of ventila-
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tion experts was directed to preventing people from being poisoned by their own exhalations. Now we understand that carbon dioxide in the air is nothing like as injurious as it was first thought to be. Our investigations have proved that the increase in carbon dioxide which takes place in theatres and crowded rooms is very slight, and the reduction of oxygen in the air is of small consequence. The discomfort and dangers of ill-ventilated rooms are seldom due to the excess of carbonic acid, bacteria, or dust, but nearly always to excessive temperatures and unpleasant odors. It is the increasing heat and moisture which are chiefly responsible for human discomfort. In overheated rooms people perspire and va- porize the odorous substances in bodies and clothes. A partial remedy for odors is to keep rooms cool. And we may add that high tem- peratures will produce fatigue to almost as great a degree as will physical exertion. So-called “vitiated” air, while not nearly as harmful as was once supposed, does increase the susceptibility of humans to disease. It has been definitely proved that the breathing of stale air measurably decreases one’s appe- tite, and this effect must not be minimized, for it bears a close relation to body nutrition. But of even greater importance than vi- tiated air is an atmosphere filled with smoke

A WIND TUNNEL IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STANDARDS, WASHINGTON, D. C.
In this tunnel are tested such equipment as roof ventilators, in order to determine their efficiency and capacity for removing foul air from schools, warehouses, et cetera




Parsons

A VIEW FROM THE This is the largest theatre in New York—one of the largest in the world—and the problem of ventilation is a serious
STAGE OF THE
one.
and dust. Some forms of dust found in occu- pied rooms are altered chemically or decom- posed when brought into contact with radia- tors or heating coils, and the result is a libera- tion of unpleasant and harmful odors that cause a sensation of discomfort and stuffiness.
Dust is also a carrier of micro-organisms, which spreads disease. But notwithstanding the serious nature of this dust problem, we have never yet determined nor defined a standard of air cleanliness. Nor have we developed a simple and accurate apparatus or means for indicating when any such stand- ard is maintained. It is not enough to say that a certain air is heavily laden with dust, or that it is comparatively free from dust, for such expressions mean but little. We must define dusty atmospheres in terms of so many particles per cubic foot.
And as to the effect on health of a smoke- laden air, the truth concerning this matter is just commencing to be understood, and the result in many communities undoubtedly will be remedial action to remove this long- standing evil. A smoke-polluted atmosphere is filled with acrid, poisonous compounds and soot particles which serve as carriers of the
Fresh air comes in over the proscenium arch and through the small domes shown in this picture. out through small dome ventilators located beneath the seats. devoted almost entirely to ventilating ducts
CAPITOL THEATRE IN NEW YORK
It is drawn The interior of the balcony is a great chamber
injurious products of human fatigue. These floating particles increase pulmonary and nasal disorders, augment the pneumonia rate, lessen the duration and intensity of sunshine, increase the frequency and duration of fogs, destroy artistic effects, both interior and ex- terior, and reduce individual working capac- ity. Sunshine is the most important factor in the preservation of health, and anything that lessens it is a menace to mankind. The substitution of gas, coke, and other smokeless fuels for the present grades of raw coal we burn will largely end the smoke nuisance. But our ventilation engineers are not rest- ing content with merely providing means to supply air in proper volume; they are follow- ing the instincts of the true scientist, and bending their efforts toward the attainment of an adequate supply of pure air, at a min- imum of cost. Investigation has shown that in many of our schools and other well con- structed buildings, of each four pounds of coal burned, one pound goes for heating and three pounds for ventilation or for producing rapid air changes. It is easily possible to return 50 per cent. of the warmed-up air to the heaters instead of supplying fresh outdoor


Ventilation for Health and Comfort
air entirely, and in such a case, instead of 3 pounds of coal being used simply to supply ventilation, only 13 pounds are needed, so that it is evident such a practice affords a saving of 37.5 per cent. Last winter, during the coal shortage, some of our schools, with the use of air washers, re-circulated upward of 70 per cent. of the air that had been heated, and in these cases 2.1 pounds of coal were conserved out of each 4 used, so that the percentage fuel saving amounted to 52.5 per cent.
What percentage of air we should re- circulate, is a question which must be decided by further research. We already know that the cleansing efficiency of an air washer is greatly affected by the cleanliness of the water used. The efficiency of nature’s process of air cleansing by raining has been proved be- yond doubt. In one of our big cities where air washing and re-circulation have been care- fully studied, the tests indicate that the air which has been washed is certainly of as good quality as the unwashed outside air.
Next let me touch on the use of ozone in ventilation work. Some people have claimed that ozone could be used as a substitute for mechanical ventilation, and such an assertion of course is wholly misleading. But the possibilities of ozone in ventilation work are undoubtedly greater than the majority of
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people imagine. The utilization of ozone is a partial solution of the cost of ventilation. Here we have a substance that is.an allotropic form of oxygen. The general belief is that the molecule is made up of three atoms instead of two, and in this somewhat unstable form it gives off an atom of oxygen when brought in contact with substances that can be oxidized. Ozone is a powerful bactericidal agent, and can be used as a disinfectant in place of sul- phur dioxide, formaldehyde, or hydrocyanic acid. In fact, it is 160 times as powerful a disinfectant as sulphur dioxide, 37 times as powerful as formaldehyde, and nearly twice as powerful as hydrocyanic acid gas. As a deodorant, it has no superior. In the case of delicate odors, it destroys them, while with stronger odors it acts as a masking agent, due to its action on the olfactory membrane. When high concentrations of ozone are used, even the most powerful odors are destroyed.
As to the effect of low concentrations of ozone on the human body, there is consider- able evidence coming to hand which indicates that the ozone is not only harmless, but that its effect on the individual is beneficial.
Medical research has developed the fact that when objectionable odors are present in the air people breathe, their respiration is de-
pressed and the result is a deficient oxidation of the blood. Therefore, whether ozone really

SUBJECTS OF A VENTILATION AND HEATING TEST
hese are the employees of the U. S. Bureau of Mines Experimental Station at Pittsburgh, Pa.
, Who were used
in the tests of the American Society of Heating and Ventilating Engineers to determine the ‘‘equal comfort zone”

440
masks an odor or completely destroys it, the effect is healthful because the individual breathes more freely and fully. In other words, when bad odors are present in the air, there is an involuntary contraction of respira- tion, of which bodily reaction the individual is entirely unconscious.
But of even greater importance in ventila- tion is the inhibitive effect of ozone on the growth of bacteria and mold in the common air ducts of mechanically ventilated buildings. Some of our meat-handling companies have discovered this fact, and as a result there is coming to be a wide use of ozone machines in cold-storage plants and other places subject to dampness and shut off from sunlight. It has been particularly noticed that ozone acts favorably in preventing the growth of mold in storage rooms where sausages are aged. Because of this germicidal action of ozone in air, some of our ventilation experts are now recommending that ozone equipment be in- stalled with sufficient capacity to treat all of the air that is being circulated in a mechan- ically ventilated building during certain hours of the day or night when the place is not occupied. In this way it is possible to build up a concentration of ozone sufficient to dis- infect and sterilize the entire building.
A large proportion of the schools in one of our greatest Middle Western cities is now using this purifying agent with results that are most interesting and satisfying. Ex- perience here has shown that while ozone, like hydrogen peroxide, does attack secretions and extraneous matter when present in high con- centrations, yet it does not affect living tissues and is not an irritant to the mucous membrane. Even when present in the low concentrations used in ordinary ventilation, ozone does de- stroy a large percentage of the germ life of the air. In the schools referred to above, there was a marked improvement in the health of the children after the ozone system was installed.
A new day is dawning in the art of ventila- tion. For example, there is the splendid work of Dr. Paul Anderson, who is directing the carrying out of a programme of research for the fraternity of ventilating engineers, that is disclosing new truths almost daily. Dr. Anderson will tell you, for instance, that he has discovered that fat men endure high temperature and humidity better than thin men. He will also explain that drinking ice
Floyd W. Parsons
water does not develop cramps in people after they have been subjected to an hour’s expo- sure to high temperature. His results indicate that human beings can endure great varia- tions of external temperature, and at the same time retain their physiological efficiency. Then there is the fact that increasing pulse- rate is more the cause of discomfort than is body temperature, when in a heated room.
Before long we will know how quickly and accurately to determine the amount of dust in the atmosphere. We will understand all the essential facts connected with the “com- fort zone” in heating and with the physiologi- cal reactions of the human body to various temperatures and humidities. We will have heat meters—one has already been completed —that will measure the flow of heat units through a given area. We will know how to ventilate ships, garages, sleeping cars, and other enclosures where the ventilation prac- tised to-day is an abomination and an insult to our intelligence.
There is nothing in the world more plentiful than air, and nothing more vital to our lives. But remarkable as have been our discoveries relating to the handling and use of air, such advances as we have made will never equal in value the benefits to us in comfort and health that will result from the intelligent control of the temperature and humidity of the air in which we live and breathe.
Already we know that there is a direct re- lation of the death rate and of health to the wet-bulb temperature. It has been found that fairly moist weather is more healthful than dry weather of the same temperature. It has been proved that cold waves, unless of extraordinary severity, are beneficial to health while a rising temperature, even in the winter, is harmful. In making this statement, the investigator carefully distinguishes between a drop in temperature and the continuance of low temperature. Then there is the further fact that a variable climate is in general much more healthful than a uniform climate, even though the latter has an almost ideal temper- ature. With such truths before us, and in the light of the fact that we can manufacture indoors practically any kind of weather we desire, at a moderate cost, it would seem that we have a solid basis on which to develop an intelligent ventilation practice that will make us happier, longer-lived, and more prosperous.