The Worlds Work Vol. 46, no. 2

The Worlds Work Vol. 46, no. 2

1923-06-01

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Arthur W. Page, editor

The World’s Work
ARTHUR W. PAGE, EpitTor FRENCH STROTHER, Manacinec Epitor BURTON J. HENDRICK, Associate Epitor
CONTENTS FOR JUNE, 1923 Joseph Conrad - - - - - - - - - = = = = = = = e ee Frontispiece THE MARCH OF EVENTS—ANn EbpiToriAL INTERPRETATION ee 2
Ambassador Jusserand Chester H. Rowell
John Barton Payne Robert L. Duffus Wallace B. Donham
THE GROWTH OF “A RAINY DAY FUND” - - - - - - - - - - = = How a World’s Work Reader Invested His Savings
POLITICS AS A PROFESSION (Jilustrated) - Rr. Hon. Davin LLoyp GEORGE A Defense of the Politician as an Indispensable Instrument of Democracy
THE RUHR, THE RHINE, AND REPARATIONS ~— - RAYMOND RECOULY The Reasons for France’s Seizure of the Centre of German Industry
WHY THE MIDDLE WEST WENT RADICAL (Illustrated) CHESTER H. ROWELL 1. The Reasons for the Political Change in the Agricultural Districts HARVARD TEACHES BUSINESS THE WAY IT TEACHES LAW FLroyp W. Parsons An Application of the “Case Method” to a New Educational Subject HOW THE KU KLUX KLAN SELLS HATE (lJilustrated) Rospertr L. DurFus 1]. How Salesmen Sold Packages of Hate at Ten Dollars Each MARTIN JOHNSON’S AFRICAN PHOTOGRAPHS (JIlustrated) Cart E. AKELEY 1. The Newest Wild Animal Photographs and What a Big Game Hunter Thinks of Them
McADOO’S CHANCES FOR THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINATION | (Jilustrated) What Strength Has the Former Secretary of the Treasury? MARK SULLIVAN ACTORS AND AUTHORS AND SUCH (Illustrated) - - - - PHitip GIBBS IV. Further Adventures in Fleet Street ITALY’S REVOLUTIONARY CONSERVATIVES — (Jilustrated) E. L. McVEAGH The Rise of and the Reasons for the Fascisti ADVENTURES IN THE PHILIPPINES (Jllustrated) Lt.-Co.. SypNey A. CLOMAN Ill. Dealings with: Dattos and Lesser Moro Folk LOOKS AT BOOKS - - - - - - - = Near the beginning of the front advertising section Reviews of and Remarks About New Books THE WORLD’S WORKSHOP - - - - - Near the end of the front advertising section Some Glimpses Behind the Scenes in the Editor’s office
SUN-DIAL GOSSIP - - - - Near the end of the front advertising section Chats About the New hisiies Published at Country Life Press
Copyright, 1923, in the United States, Newfoundland, Great Britain, and other countries by Doubleday, Page & Co. All rights reserved TERMS: $4.00 a year; single copies 35 cents; Canadian postage 60 cents extra; foreign, $1.00
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JOSEPH CONRAD The Polish-English novelist, who is now on his first visit to America, where his writings have long since earned for him a reputation that places him among the greatest of contemporary writers of fiction


THE
WORLD’ WORK
JUNE, 1923
VotumME XLVI
NuMBER 2
THE MARCH. OF EVENTS
RESIDENT HARDING, in his re-
cent campaign for American mem-
bership in the International Court,
has accomplished two things of the
utmost importance: he has placed his authority emphatically on the side of a great institution, and he has definitely and even eloquently asserted the Presidential leadership. His case for the High Court is completely made. The enemies of the League of Nations assert that the 7,000,- ooo Republican majority in 1920 represented America’s voice against American participa- tion; if that is so, then the same majority represented America’s vote in favor of joining the High Court of International Justice, for the Republican platform endorsed that or- ganization and the Republican candidate had made public his approval of it.
Thus Mr. Harding’s speech makes rather silly the attitude of those Republican Sena- tors, most of them hide-bound party men, who have opposed his present programme. But the question, as the President discloses, was not a partisan one. The Court embodies a long-standing American aspiration. In its essentials, it is merely a plan for arbitration, instead of war, as a means of settling inter- national disputes. How can any American oppose such a purpose? The leadership of our nation in arbitration is one of the things of which we are chiefly proud. Democratic as well as Republican Presidents have asserted it. President Cleveland was the first Amer- ican statesman to frame a general arbitration treaty; President Roosevelt was the first
actually to put one in force. The country has stood not only for arbitration, but for the particular plan now under consideration. The American delegates at the Hague Con- ference in 1907, acting under instructions from President Roosevelt, worked hard for the establishment of the world court. American jurists had much to do with fram- ing the present tribunal and a distinguished American—Mr. John Bassett Moore—now sits upon it as a judge.
President Harding has done well in setting forth these facts, and the response of his own party and of the country is a sufficient sign that his programme will succeed. This re- sponse again proves that the Nation demands energetic leadership in its President and that it is always ready to endorse this leadership when directed to good ends. The American President is still a mighty force. He em- bodies in his single person more authority with the masses than the Senate and the House combined. He is the spokesman of the broad American Nation because the whole Nation selects him, whereas merely a state selects a Senator, and merely a Congressional District a Representative. He therefore is the man to whom the American masses look for guidance in all great national decisions. Never yet have they refused to follow this leadership, when it has been asserted with dignity and character, and when it has been used to pro- mote American ideals. President Harding has done this fine thing in this fine way, and there need therefore be no apprehension con- cerning the outcome. His battle is fairly won.

e]
0 anode ES Eo
© Underwood & Underwood
AMBASSADOR JUSSERAND Who has recently completed twenty years of service as the able representative of France in America

© Harris & Ewing
JOHN BARTON PAYNE ; Appointed by President Harding to represent the United States, in collaboration with Charles Beecher Warren, at a meeting with representatives of Mexico in order to discuss the possible recognition by the United States of the Obregon government

s RIEARO iter bh SrA aati
eee
CHESTER H. ROWELL Editor and publicist, whose recent first-hand study of political and economic conditions in the Near Northwest throws fresh light upon a significant phenomenon of our national life [See page 157]

Photo by Francis Bruguiere
ROBERT L. DUFFUS
Journalist and trained investigator, whose series of articles on the causes and effects of the Ku Klux Klan presents a clear picture of the rise and the beginning of the decline of the “ Knights of the Invisible Empire” [Sec page 174]

WALLACE B. DONHAM
Dean of the Harvard School of Business Administration, under whose direction Harvard is teaching business by the “case”’ method, as it has heretofore taught law and medicine

The March of Events
The Great Fallacy of Immigration
NE of the most encouraging aspects () of American life is the increasing interest that the American people are at last showing in immigration. For fifty years and more, lawmakers, economists, and social students have been discussing this question, yet Congress has done little more than fumble with it. The time is rapidly approaching, however, when a sane national policy will supplant the dangerous and hap- hazard methods that have hitherto prevailed. Nothing is so important to a nation as the calibre of the people that make up its popula- tion. It can obtain this population in only two ways; by natural increase or by immigra- tion. The founders of the Republic had rational ideas on this subject, as on most others. They had no great enthusiasm for general immigration. The sentimental theory that this virgin country was a place of refuge for distressed mankind never for a moment obtained possession of their minds. The one desirable way of increasing population, they believed, was the natural increment of the people already here. At the time the Con- stitution went into effect, in 1789, there were 4,000,000 Americans in this country; of these about 80 per cent. were English in origin, about seven per cent. were Scotch-Irish, about one per cent. were Irish and about five per cent. were German. Washington and the other great statesmen of the time believed that this stock would increase just as rapidly as the economic and agricultural opportuni- ties of the new land developed, and that there was consequently no need of stimulating im- migration. Jefferson went so far as to wish that an ocean of fire separated his Republic from the wicked monarchies of Europe, so that no more immigrants might cross the ocean. These opinions have usually been regarded as mere expressions of a distaste for that Europe from which the new nation had recently freed itself; yet it is a question whether they did not rest upon a profound truth.
The idea too widely prevails that the United States has been made by immigration, that Without the millions pouring in from Europe the nation could never have reached its pres- ent greatness, that our agriculture and our industries could not have been developed, and that our population would still be limited toa
[21
thin strip along the Atlantic seacoast. This, however, has not been the experience of other countries which for a hundred years have admitted practically no immigrants. Take England, for example. At the beginning of the Nineteenth Century its population was 8,000,000; in a hundred years this had grown to 32,000,000. This growth was not the re- sult of immigration; it represented the na- tural increase of the native population, auto- matically responding to increased economic resources and consequently increased food supply. Far from adding to its population from immigration England, during this same period, sent millions of its peoples to other lands, especially the United States, Canada, and Australia. In Germany, the experience has been the same. The population of the German Empire in 1870 was 42,000,000; by 1914—forty-four years—this had grown to 68,000,000. Immigration had little to do with this growth; as in the case of England, Germany all this time was losing large num- bers of her population to the United States. The early history of the United States emphasizes the same point. We started with 4,000,000 in 1790; by 1850 this had grown to 23,000,000; in that sixty years only about 2,000,000 immigrants had come to this coun- try, and three fourths—or 1,500,000—had arrived between 1840 and 1850. These figures therefore indicate that the native American population had increased from 4,000,000 to at least 20,000,000 in fifty years —or about five-fold. Thus it is apparent that the original population, in accordance with the forecasts of Washington and his contemporaries, was increasing in sufficient ratio to keep pace with the growth in our economic and agricultural resources.
Immigration Checks the Native Birth Rate
HERE is no reason for believing that
this growth would not have been con- tinuous, just as it was in Great Britain
and Germany. Americans are inclined to think that the increase in population in the Nineteenth Century was something peculiar to their own country, but the fact is that the number of people in the world increased from 640,000,000 in 1800 to 1,650,000,000 in 1914; this general growth was only another way of stating that increased food supply, increased


122

WORKERS This is the kind of labor that is recruited by immigration
IN A STEEL MILL
industrial opportunities, and improved meth- ods of conserving human life are the out- standing facts in modern civilization. The phenomenon that distinguishes the United States from others is that, whereas most countries drew their increased population from their own loins, this country imported a considerable percentage from over seas.
The point can therefore be maintained that, had there been no immigration at all, the United States might be just as populous as it is at present, the only difference being that our 110,000,000 people would all be the descendants of the 4,000,000 with which we started our national life. If the Germans and the Scandinavians had not filled up the plains of the Mississippi Valley and the North- west, the descendants of the American pio- neers would have done so. If the Irish and the Slavs and the Italians had not crowded the ranks of industry, the American workman would have built our railroads, dug our sewers, and held all places, skilled and un- skilled, in American industry. In the early Nineteenth Century, native Americans dug the Erie Canal and constructed other great public works; similarly, except for the influx of Europeans, they would have built our rail-
The World’s Work
roads. Thus the chief reason why the native stock has declined is that it has been sup- planted by alien breeds. These alien breeds have supplanted the pioneer peoples simply because their living standards have been lower; they have therefore been content to work for wages on which the established population could not subsist. The natural course has been that “Americans’”’ have come to form a kind of aristocracy; they too much eschew manual labor, insist on “white collar” jobs, and, in the mass, are forced to live on wages which make impossible the rearing of large families. Thus immigration has had a social result in the North not unlike that produced by slavery in the South; it has made manual labor, especially that of the unskilled kind, something degrading. The consequence is that the products of the American public schools disdain the handicrafts and that America has had to depend upon the miscel- laneous human cargoes deposited on its shores by the immigration ships. Immigration is therefore the main influence in lowering the birth rate of the native stock.
The Plea for Immigrants a Plea for Inefficiency
EREIN is the real explanation of labor conditions which lend a certain plausibility to the pleas now being
made for lowering the restrictions on immi- gration. Outside of certain interested racial groups, the forces most insistent on liberal immigration laws are the large employers of labor, especially of unskilled labor. These employers besieged Congress during the re- cent session; they are likely to appear in greater force this autumn and winter. Their chief argument is the present scarcity of labor. They make the old complaint that “Ameri- cans,” and even the children of immigrants, will not enter the steel mills, the factories, and the manual trades, and that the only way of obtaining workmen is by importing them from Europe. So far Congress has declined to be impressed by these’ pleas. It believes that the real consideration is not the tempo- rary need of industry, but the future of the country. Most Americans are now convinced that the masses of humanity which have come in the last twenty years from Eastern and Southern Europe do not form the material out of which a great nation can be built.



ese
leir 0r. eri- nts, and y of em ned “ves 1po- the iced ome and rial uilt.

The March
There is no one lesson of history quite so evident as this one. The country has all of these immigrants which it can assimilate. The fact that Mr. Gary and the packing houses need a few thousand employees is no sufficient reason for opening the flood gates again. More important still, immigration is itself the reason why Americans of the es- tablished breeds avoid manual work. They cannot endure the low wages and frequently the intolerable working conditions which these European peasants accept. The proper way to obtain a sufficient and capable working force is by improving working conditions and establishing a wage that will uplift the stand- ard of living. The improper way is by im- porting hordes of inefficient men who will still further degrade manual occupations and cause a deterioration in the quality of American workmanship. The present plea for low grade immigrants is thus a plea for a continuance of the industrial conditions that have stunted the development of a high class of native work- men.
Should immigration totally cease, therefore, the result, in the course of fifty years, would be highly beneficial; the birth rate of the present population would increase sufficiently to supply the economic and agricultural needs of the country. At present the “Nordic” element comprises about 80 per cent. of our population; it would be a mistake to let it ever sink below that point. The intelligence of the nation is keenly alive to this truth; there is therefore no reason why this convic- tion should not form the basis of our immigra- tion policy.
If more immigrants are to be admitted, every precaution should be taken to make sure that the vast majority of them belong to these Northwestern races. The highest responsi- bility of the nation is to determine the kind of immigrants that it desires and then boldly seek them out. There are at present, for example, 1,500,000 unemployed in Great Britain, and there are abundant opportunities for their employment in this country. The emigration of these men and women to the United States would be a boon both to Great Britain and the United States. That many are coming the figures for this year show; one of the most encouraging facts is that the quota law is increasing the proportion of “Nordic”’ immigrants over those from East- ern and Mediterranean Europe. So far as the

of Events 123
future of the nation is concerned, such addi- tions are just as valuable as would be the increase of the Northwestern Europeans al- ready here; there is therefore no objection to admitting as many as care to come. Any changes that are made in the present quota law should be directed to increasing this movement to the maximum and decreasing the arrivals of the less desirable stocks to the minimum.
“Selective Immigration” of a Rational Kind
OR this reason there is much virtue in H accepting the 1890 census as the
standard for the quotas instead of that of i910. The argument is sound. Our population in 1890 was practically homo- geneous; it was composed largely of the stocks which had built up the nation; that is, it con- sisted chiefly of those peoples from North- western Europe, which, though known as Britons, Scots, Welsh, Germans, Danes, Nor- wegians, and Swedes, really constituted one


SECTION GANG ON A RAILROAD Another field of unskilled labor for which native Amer- icans show no liking and which, for the last sixty years,
has been filled by recent arrivals from overseas



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Work

ENGLISH UNEMPLOYED ON THE THAMES EMBANKMENT
There are said to be 1,500,000 men like these out of work in Great Britain. Many students of the immigration prob- lem favor transporting these men to the United States, where there is plenty of work. They are the kind of immigrants this country needs
great ethnic family. If the census of 1890 is taken as the standard there would be no objection to increasing the percentage, as con- ditions demand. At present 5 per cent. quotas based on the census of 1890 are most favored. Such an arrangement would let in annually 200,000 from Northwestern Europe, 50,000 from Scandinavia, 165,000 from Cen- tral Europe—mainly Germans—10,000 from Southwestern Europe and 2,000 from South- eastern Europe. The outcome would be an annual addition of about 400,000 of the “Nordic stock’? and about 12,000 of the immigration which has recently caused such wide-spread alarm. This is probably the best solution of the difficulty that has yet been proposed. Northwestern Europeans are rap- idly filling up their present quota, a fact which shows that there are plenty of hardy peoples in these enlightened countries who would gladly respond to this new offer of hospitality. Shutting the door to the less desirable classes would further stimulate their zeal, for the English and Scandinavian workman is just as much opposed to accepting the low wages of Eastern and Southern Europeans, and ad- justing themselves to their impossible living conditions, as are Americans themselves.

© Underwood & Underwood JUDGE E. H. GARY
Head of the United States Steel Corporation,
whose demand for letting down the bars in order
that more immigrants might come to America
has not been favorably received by press and country


BAR se
3


The March of Events
In this way the United States would easily absorb the unemployed in the best nations of the Old World. That purpose should be the directing idea in the legislation proposed at the next Congress. This would be “selective immigration” of the rational kind.
Economic Advance in Europe
R. JULIUS BARNES, President of the
Chamber of Commerce of the United
States, recently returned from the
International Chamber of Commerce meeting at Rome.
His report on the state-of Europe is both interesting and optimistic. In the first place people are working—the morale is con- stantly improving. In the second place, the era of cure-all is passing—Sovietism, extreme paternalism, government ownership and opera- tion of all manner of industry, and countless artificial restrictions and aids to industry— these things are disappearing.
The most dramatic return to capitalism is in Italy under Mussolini where, as is ex- plained elsewhere in this magazine, the Government is rapidly returning to private ownership such facilities as the telephone, the telegraph, and even the parcel post. But beyond this Mr. Barnes sees great recuperative power in Europe in the use of modern inven- tions, machinery, and science.
“For instance,” in Mr. Barnes’s words, ‘‘you will at once recall that within the last twenty years, by aid of various devices, the telephone and the telegraph, the automobile, the fast train, and time and labor saving devices of all kinds, the standardi- zation of output as the result of chemistry and engineering science, it is true that the superbrains of the country, the man with big directing energy and skill, can to-day direct twenty factories where his father could direct but one. Moveover, in the process of large-scale assembly, such as the auto- mobile, which is distinctly an American accomplish- ment, the man with a low grade of mentality, who twenty years ago was out of work half the time and a burden on the community half of that idle time, is to-day doing a simple task in the process of assembling, earning the wages of a skilled mechanic and certain of steady employment. He is earning more than he and his dependents are taking in current consumption. And between these two grades of productiveness all human labor earning power is clearly increased.”
Before the war this tendency was in evidence in Europe. During the twenty years before



© Underwood & Underwood ALBERT JOHNSON Chairman of the House Committee on Immigration, Mr. Johnson is a strong believer in restricting immigration almost exclusively to those races of northwestern Europe that possess the characteristics most suited to American conditions
the war, the national earning power per capita increased in England 21 per cent. a year, in France 21 per cent. and in Germany 52 per cent. In the continuation of that process, especially if it is stimulated and encouraged by the increased use of science and machinery, Mr. Barnes places his chief hope of a rapid recovery in Europe.
At the initiation of the American delegation the Conference at Rome made this the first of the principles adopted: “The adoption of every invention and mechanical device that offers economy of production.”’
The rest of the principles were:
The output.
The stimulation of individual effort by payments which reflect the relative individual effectiveness.
The commending of the advantages of private ownership and operation as contrasted with the record made by State ownership and operation.
Taking immediate steps to divert men now en- gaged in non-productive pursuits into productive labor as soon as possible.
elimination of restrictions on individual
These were passed unanimously by the Chambers of Commerce in Rome but their




© Underwood & Underwood
JULIUS H. BARNES
President of the United States Chamber of Commerce. \ recent trip to Europe convinces him that the conti- nent is making excellent progress toward economic recovery
practical application must mean a serious conflict with labor. For instance, the elimina- tion of restrictions on individual output strikes at the very root of British unionism and the unions in Great Britian include nearly go per cent. of the workers.
In spite of this and the million and more men out of work Mr. Barnes’s report of British industry—aside from the textile busi- ness— is that the situation is improving.
Mr. Barnes brought back a confidence that the peoples of Europe could overcome the purely economic burdens if the political difficulties could be removed.
His solution of the _ politico-economic questions he phrased as follows:
They were not complicated. The questions fall naturally into five categories—reparations, allied debt, budgets, international loans, and exchange. With a comprehensive settlement of these in their proper relation to each other, there would be the basis in the business judgment of the world for the foundation of this great economic earning process to commence to lift these burdens.

The World’s Work
Under reparations—and remember that this had the unanimous acceptance of all these del- egations of twenty countries, including France and Belgium—under reparations that whatever the settlement may finally be determined, the details to be worked out later, it must include this prin- ciple, that Germany shall acknowledge its liability for wanton aggression; that it shall undertake with good faith and honest effort to contribute to the utmost of its resources and earning power, its reparation of great wrongs done; that that amount of reparations now determined must carry some security for its payment; that since this is the demonstration of the results which follow ag- gression, there must be security against the recurrence of similar aggression.
Those three requirements under reparations will place that question on a basis where it can play its part in the comprehensive whole. And they are not beyond the power of human skill and understanding to solve without the present pro- cess of laying a first charge of one hundred million dollars annual expense for an army of occupation, as the first charge on German earnings. That should go, instead, to the liquidation of French damages.
As to allied debts, it is difficult to see why the ability of a debtor to discharge an allied debt should not be considered, if you stand for the principle that the ability of Germany to pay her reparations obligation must be determined too. So that it is admitted that the ability of these debtors to pay shall be considered too, but that there shall be no general application of a principle of cancellation or remission. There must be maintained a high standard of integrity in international obligations. That consideration of the ability of a debtor to pay these amounts shall also be considered in the light of the effect on their revenues and their spending power by a readjustment of their military and other expenses, which would be also eliminated in this comprehensive settlement.
That, as to budgets, it is manifest that there must be a repetition of the old statement that national finances, as individual, must bear some proper relation between income and outgo, with the additional reservation that taxation as a method of revenue must not be carried to the point where it stifles productive industry. Because we in America have just passed that phase ourselves, and we are impressed with the fact that taxation on a people, if unwise in character or extent, may it- self destroy the earning power and the taxpaying ability of that people.
That as to international loans, these as Govern- mental operations must be discouraged, because of the political complication which they bear. The allied debt to-day probably could be settled by business men if they were business considerations solely, but, because whatever settlements are made must be considered in Parliamentary bodies,




i dealin ak 49%


The March of Events 12
there is a check, an obstacle in the refunding of those, both as to amount and character and time in terms of payment. Therefore, governmental loans were discouraged, but it was stated that if these other considerations were first arranged, balanced budgets and the elimination of inflation would itself attract the necessary funds for the purpose, because we have confidence that the savings of the world, the accumulation of capi- tal, are going on at a pace which would be sufficient to develop the necessary funds in this connection.
And as to exchange, artificial stabilization by governments only leads to distress and disaster, and that the ultimate goal of exchange should be the approach to the full gold parity, but under natural processes.
The two most vital statements in this analysis are:
“As to allied debts, it is difficult to see why the ability of a debtor to discharge an allied debt should not be considered, if you stand for the principle that the ability of Germany to pay her reparations obligation must be determined too.”
And:
“That that amount of reparations . determined must carry some security for its payment; that since this is the demonstra- tion of the results which follow aggression, there must be security against the recurrence of similar aggression.”’
There must be security against the recur- rence of similar aggression!
That aggression was Germany’s attack on France. The French went into the Ruhr primarily to gain this security. As long as France stays in the Ruhr France has that security. When her armies retire from the Ruhr that security is largely lost. Can France afford to retire even if the reparations are paid?
Without outside help the French can not gain security for their German boundary. Before 1914 they endeavored to secure it by an alliance with Russia and an entente with Great Britain. The alliance with Russia is impossible and the entente’ with Great Britain is no more.
To this point all discussions of the problem come and the next sentence is always that without the United States, either directly or through the League of Nations or by some other instrumentality, there is not the power in Europe to give France security by any process except military occupation.
If we fold our hands and watch, the world
27
will not come to an end, but the risk of another great war soon will be greatly enhanced. Looking at the recent course of history who can say that this is not a terrible risk for us?
A Good Case for American Isolation
HETHER the United States should isolate itself from European affairs in a general sense is a ques- tion upon which there is much difference of opinion; the most earnest preachers of American help to Europe, however, will ad- mit that there is one kind of activity from which we may completely isolate ourselves. There is a right way and a wrong way to con- cern ourselves with the troubles of the Old World; the recent approach made by the Turkish Government is emphatically the wrong way. Toward such enterprises as that suggested by the Chester concessions, the at- titude of splendid isolation is the only safe and dignified one. The move now made by the Angora Gov- ernment is characteristically Turkish and brings to mind all the intricacies of Turkish
REAR-ADMIRAL CHESTER
Of the American Navy, to whom the Young Turk
Government has granted wide sweeping concessions in
Asia Minor. The Turk is apparently attempting to
play the same game with the United States that he has
played with the European Powers for more than a century



128
diplomacy for more than a century. During that period, of course, Turkey has existed only by playing upon the rivalries of the European powers. The Turkish nation long since lost all vitality or any ability to preserve its existence by its own strength. Any one of the great European Powers could have ob- literated the Ottoman Empire decades ago. Only by obtaining a powerful friend and playing that friend against the others has Turkey managed to survive as a nation. . In this game of statecraft the Ottoman has shown infinite skill. At one time Great Bri- tain stood supreme at the Sublime Porte; at another time Russia; at another time France. The most recent beneficiary of Turkish friend- ship was the Kaiser, who did not disdain to accept decorations from Abdul-Hamid and to have himself photographed in the uniform of a Turkish field marshal. The fact was that Turkey possessed things which these nations desired, both for commercial and _ political ends; above all, they were determined that none of their rivals should supplant them in the Ottoman sun. The world is fairly fami- liar with the consequences of this kind of statecraft. An inseparable condition was that the Turkish Empire must be maintained in all its integrity, and that the Sultan should be left free to wreak. his bloody will upon Armenians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Syrians, and other subject peoples. The whole proceeding is regarded by historians and statesmen as one of the most discreditable chapters in modern history.
It is commonly said—and truly—that the United States cannot be kept out of the European political system; that more and more we are becoming part of the Old World. The so-called Chester concessions are a case in point. The Turk is a little tired of his old European allies; they are not so strong and so rich as they were; his latest European sup- porter, Germany, has almost disappeared as a great power. He therefore needs a new associate to balance against his European neighbors, to play the part as a buffer played in turn by Great Britain, France, Russia, and Germany. At the present moment Europe is pressing him hard: he needs a friend. Quite naturally, therefore, he turns his face to the West. The Chester concessions are really an invitation to the United States to help him in resisting “reforms,” and in preserving the remnants of the Turkish Empire. Quite
The World’s Work
significantly they are made on the eve of the assembling of the adjourned Lausanne Con- ference, at which American support would be most valuable.
There is no reason why Americans should not do their part in making Anatolia an in- habitable region or why American capitalists should not accept “concessions” for doing so. But concessions that imply political support are another matter. Unfortunately this is the only kind the Turk knows much about. It is something, therefore, in which the State Department should tread warily.
Canada’s Latest Assertion of Nationhood
NY sense of a growing spirit of inde- A pendence in Canada naturally has great interest for Americans, and it is therefore strange that one of the most signifi- cant episodes in the history of the Dominion has attracted little attention in this country. That is the situation created by the signature to the Halibut Fisheries Treaty, an instru- ment intended to regulate American and Canadian participation in that industry. Ac- cording to all precedent that is an arrange- ment between the British Empire and the United States. The State Department now takes that standpoint. American and Brit- ish diplomacy is filled with treaties regulating Canadian fisheries. In all cases the British Foreign Office has been the ultimate authority with which Washington has dealt—though Canada has frequently had a hand in the nego- tiations—and the treaties have been invari- ably signed by the American Secretary of State and the British Ambassador at Wash- ington. The point of course is that Canada has not been regarded as a sovereign state, with a Foreign Office of its own and inde- pendent diplomatic representation at Wash- ington, but as a dominion of the British Em- pire.
Until a few years ago Canada had accepted this procedure, but in recent years she has chafed at it, for two reasons. In the first place the conviction has rankled that Canada usually gets the worst of the negotiations; that the British Foreign Office, in its desire to conciliate the United States, yields us im- portant points at the expense of its own dominion.
More important, however, is the 3 growing sense of maturity and dignity that is 7 gaining ground, especially since the World jj

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War. making demands for their own Minister or Ambassador at Washington, who would have exclusive charge of relations that concerned
Even before 1914 Canadians were
Canada and the United States. The question came to a head in the signing of the recent fisheries treaty. The Canadian Government maintained that, inasmuch as the matter concerned solely Canada and the United States, the Canadian Minister of Fisheries, Mr. Lapointe, was the proper person to sign it. Sir Auckland Geddes, the British Minister at Washington, announced that the Foreign Office had instructed him to sign. Again the Canadian Government protested and London yielded, so that the treaty appears with Mr. Lapointe’s signature only. But now a con- stitutional question arises which contains within itself the possibilities of the dissolution of the British Empire. The discussion may develop into something like the famous “ strict constructionist”’ controversy in American history.
By what authority did the Canadian states- man sign this document? Obviously, say the “strict constructionists,” that of the King, acting on the advice of his constitutional ad- visers, that is, the British Cabinet. Not at all, say the constitutional revolutionaries in Canada. He acted on the authority of the King, of course, but the King acted on the advice of his ministers in Ottawa—that is, the Canadian Cabinet. From this point the discussion is spun into thin strands not dis- similar to the metaphysical reasonings in- jected into arguments on the American Con- stitution in slavery days. The British con- servatives have finally settled the question to their own satisfaction. ~ What really hap- pened was this: the Canadian Cabinet advised the King to authorize the Canadian minister to sign this treaty, and then the British Cabinet advised the King to accept that advice.
The progressive spirit of Canada, however, does not accept this constitutional interpreta- tion. More and more the Canadian mind conceives of their people as an independent, sovereign power, one of many that, by al- legiance to a common king, make up that family of nations known as the British Em- pire. The act of the Canadian minister in signing the treaty was therefore merely an- other expression of Canadian nationhood. This is apparently the status to which Canada

129

THE LATE HENRY P.
In whose memory his widow has established six scholar-
ships in Harvard, Yale, and Princeton for six under-
graduates or B. A. graduates of Oxford and Cam- bridge, England
DAVISON
is rapidly advancing, though its complete realization does not involve separation from the British Empire.
A Plan to Bring Together British and American Boys
O BETTER memorial to the late
Henry P. Davison could be devised
than the scholarships for English boys recently established by his widow in the three leading American universities. The fund will pay the expenses (except tuition, which the American institutions will remit) of six English students, three from Oxford, and three from Cambridge, at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. Each of the three American universities will thus always have two Englishmen in residence. Very wisely scholarship will be only one test in selecting the candidates. As the English students are to be chosen as representative men, their gen- eral character, and their general standing in the Oxford and Cambridge communities, will be important considerations. In this regard the Davison bequest follows the plan of Cecil Rhodes, who stipulated that, in the choice

130
of American boys for Oxford scholarships, the manly character of the boys and their capacity for leadership should be given as much weight as their mental attainments.
Mrs. Davison, in establishing this memorial to her husband, gives as the chief purpose the “fostering of good-will between the United States and Great Britain.”” The greatest bar to the amiable understanding of the two countries is. their ignorance of each other. It is a common experience that Americans and Englishmen, when thrown into close association, admire and like each other. The codperation of the two peoples in the late war emphasized this truth. What- ever misunderstandings statesmanship and financial and commercial rivalries may cause, nothing can obliterate the respect which Tommies and Doughboys, and American and English officers, entertain for each other as a result of this mighty effort. In all these attempts to reach a closer understanding, the two nations owe it to each other to exhibit the best sides in their national life. This is a particular duty which Americans owe to themselves, for America is vast and varied and full of contradictions, and it is easy for foreigners, by gaining a glimpse at only one segment, to retain the grossest misappre- hensions. English boys who come into daily contact with Harvard, Yale, and Princeton will see the finest side of American life—its culture, its intelligence, its public spirit, its enthusiasm, its manliness. An Englishman who recently spent a day at the Harkness quadrangle of Yale, remarked, “| am going back home to tell them that America has a soul.’”’ Many other American universities beside the three chosen have their riches, material and spiritual, but none are so closely identified with the history of the country, in both the colonial and national eras. There is little doubt therefore that the Davison scholarships will perform their part in the noble work of introducing the young men of the two nations to each other.
Conventionr
HE Supreme Court decision against
the constitutionality of the minimum wage law has had the result that has inevitably followed many other similarly un-
popular decisions recently rendered. Under existing conditions there is only one way of
A Federal Constitutional
The World’s Work
correcting this defect in our legal system, if it is a defect, and from many quarters now comes the demand for a constitutional amend- ment. This is not the only question of a similar kind which is demanding a similar remedy. Child labor; the equalization of the rights and privileges of the sexes; the revision of the powers of the Supreme Court in review- ing the laws of Congress; the initiative and referendum; a new method of electing presi- dents—such as the popular vote and the abolition of the electoral college; marriage and divorce;—the list is far from complete, but these are a few of the causes that are exerting themselves for a defined status in the Constitution. Since the original adoption of that measure there has never been a time when the advocates of constitutional change were so busy as now. The last ten years have demonstrated that it is a much simpler thing to change this fundamental instrument than had been supposed, and hence the great rush of new ideas.
The whole movement raises an even more important question, and one that is likely to claim much public attention from this time on. Has the day come, or is it likely soon to come, when another national convention is to be called to revise the Constitution in the light of the experience of nearly a century and a half? The revision of state constitutions is quite a common procedure; the Constitution of New York, indeed, contains a clause re- quiring its revision once in twenty years. No attempt has ever been made, however, to revise on a wholesale plan the great work of the “founding fathers.’’ Sentiment and fear, and not inertia, are responsible for this reluc- tance. Mr. Bryce said that the respect and awe which Americans feel for the Federal Con- stitution are not unlike the attitude of the British people toward the royal family—that the Constitution, as an object of reverence and as a symbol of unity, performs a service in holding the states together not dissimilar to that performed by the British King or Queen. Even those Americans who do not regard the Constitution as divinely inspired are frequently amazed at the prescience of its creators, and at the practicable workableness in modern conditions of an instrument drawn up in a time when most modern problems did not exist. By what foresight did the framers insert the interstate commerce clause which is now found adequate for controlling an acency





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The March
of which they never dreamed—the railroads? Secret diplomacy was largely responsible for the World War; for almost the first time Americans grasped how wise this great group of statesmen had been in requiring that all treaties should be ratified by the Senate, thus forever making “secret diplomacy” impossi- ble in America. It is perhaps not strange that Americans should hesitate to tamper with an instrument so full of wisdom, except in the manner which the Constitution itself pro- vides, by amendment. The fear that out of such a convention would come something so different from the document adopted in 1789 that it would amount to a fundar ental over- turning of the American system, and substi- tute in our national life the spirit of constant change for that of permanence, is perhaps a sufficient reason for repudiating any such tendency.
Yet the Constitution is not perfect; a good deal of it is archaic and outworn; changing conceptions of government and life are daily suggesting essential changes. The time may therefore come, and come sooner than most believe, when a comprehensive revision will be undertaken.
No Babbitting of the Presidency
HE healthy reaction stirred up by the proposal to furnish Mr. Harding a press agent was an especially encourag- ing sign of the times. Dignity has not seemed a prime characteristic of American public life. We treat our important officials with a freedom that usually shocks the foreigner. Free and easy manners are too commonly regarded as indispensable attributes of de- mocracy. A Franklin standing in homespun in the presence of kings and duchesses is one of those bits of American history that are most indelibly impressed upon the American mind.
Yet one place has always seemed, even to the most bustling of Americans, to be set apart. We have never resented a certain reserve and dignity in the White House. Washington himself set the standard. Simple as were his presidential manners, he always rigidly exacted the personal respect which he regarded as the indispensable attribute of his office. If there are any displeasing traits in Lincoln’s character, they are those which displayed a lack of consideration for the

of Events 131
proprieties of his position. Americans do not resent the fact that Thomas Jefferson hitched his own horse in the course of his occasional visits to the Capitol, for that was democratic simplicity and therefore fitting; the picture of Lincoln receiving foreign statesmen in his dressing gown and slippers, however, grated on the national sensibilities. Probably one reason why John Drinkwater’s “Abraham Lincoln” was so popular in this country was the fact that the character portrayed was, with all his fine human quality and simplicity, one of great personal dignity. The fine presidential proprieties that prevailed in the White House during the Roosevelt era are a memory of the great Rough Rider that is especially valued.
Thus the fact that Mr. Harding does not “sell himself’’ and needs a press agent to “put him over” is no disqualification, even if true. The White House is no place for a super- Babbitt. The American people would resent the antics of a “publicity expert,”’ constantly extolling the President’s achievements and “playing up” his strong points. The folly of the thing is as conspicuous as is its bad taste. Of course every president does “sell himself’’; whether he wishes it or not he is a “good advertiser.”’ There is no one man in the country who less successfully keeps out of the spot light; it is beating upon him con- stantly from thousands of front pages. His reticences and avoidances as well as_ his positive acts always proclaim the man. Everything Mr. Harding does or does not do is an element in building up this picture; and perhaps one of the most revealing and grate- ful glimpses he has given of his nature is the promptness with which he squelched the suggestion that a “publicity man” stand constantly at his side, interpreting his illusive nature to millions of newspaper readers.
The Progress of Governor Smith, of New York
HE Republican leaders of New York
are the most successful champions of the presidential prospects of Gover-
nor Alfred E. Smith. Seldom, indeed, has a political minority of a great political party behaved with such ineptitude. The present division of political power in the Empire State illustrates the shortcomings of the American system in their most glaring aspect.



132 The World’s Work
GOVERNOR ALFRED E. SMITH
Of New York, whose praiseworthy attempt to create responsible government in New York State has been blocked by the Republican organization
The Democratic party controls the governor- ship and the Senate, whereas the Republicans control the Assembly; the result is that there is no fixed responsibility, and attempts at legislation represent merely the clash of par- tisan competition. It is fortunate for Gover- nor Smith that in the most important of these struggles the merits of the dispute are en- tirely on his side; he has the great advantage of fighting for a principle, while the Repub- licans are apparently acting on no other in- spiration than the famous doctrine that “it is the business of the opposition to oppose.”
In all the recent discussion of legislative improvements three essential reforms have generally been accepted as indispensable. The short ballot is the first. It is absurd to expect the voters to chose intelligently a large number of public officials; the only scientific system is that which prevails in the Federal Government, in which only two ex- ecutives are elected at the polls—the President and Vice-President—the rest being appoin- tive. The long ballots of state elections are popular only with the politicians whose power, used frequently for corrupt and always

for partisan purposes, it enormously strength- ens. There can be no responsible govern- ment without the short ballot. This is one of the things for which Governor Smith is now fighting.
The second is the executive budget. This reform is sweeping all over the United States, and is admittedly the one most important improvement made in decades in our gov- ernmental system. In no one state is it so needed as in New York, with its budget of ap- proximately 150 million dollars. This again is an item in Governor Smith’s programme and this again the Republican minority is fighting.
The reorganization of state departments, the consolidation of state activities, the avoid- ance of duplicating expenditures and efforts— this is another change which is inseparably connected with Budget Reform. Governor Smith has shown how the nearly two hundred departments of New York can be consolidated into about twenty, with an enormous saving of money. But the “credit” of instituting this change the Republicans also deny him.
Governor Smith believes that a four years’ term for the Governor would promote ef- ficiency, and in this again most students of American politics agree with him. But not the Republican minority at Albany, and its opposition is in this instance frankly partisan; such a change, it asserts, would make it more difficult for the Republican party to win elections. As long as elections take place every two years, every other one comes in a presidential year, a time when the normal Republican vote in New York State, out in force for the presidential candidate, can be depended on to sweep the state ticket into office.
Politically, therefore, New York at present offers a sorry spectacle. The mere fact that the Republican party controls the Assembly is blocking many desperately needed changes.
Troubles Looming Up in the Coal Regions
PRING having arrived with its warmth S the average American has largely for-
gotten the coal troubles of last year. Yet unless something is done to change conditions in the coal business the consumer is likely to meet last year’s troubles again next year and the year after.

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The March
The basic question in the coal industry is whether the United Mine Workers shall ac- quire a monopoly of labor in that industry and with this monopoly not only fix the price of labor but also the price of coal.
If any association of American citizens who do not labor with their hands set out to gain control of an industry and fix the price of its products to the public, they would be put in jail for forming a conspiracy to restrain trade. Labor unions and farmers’ organizations have been exempted from the provisions of this law. The reason for this exemption was the impression that labor, generally speaking. was not powerful enough to deal on a fair basis with employers unless it was organized and that in any case its activities did not hurt the public much, if any. Legally the exemption of labor from the Sherman Anti-trust and other similar laws was based on the idea that human labor is not a commodity, such as iron and steel, and that, whereas labor is bought and sold, it can not be altogether treated as an inanimate commodity.
All this is true and proper. However, when the application of the theory of ex- empting labor unions from the Sherman Law begins to cost the public vast sums in im- proper coal bills, the matter takes on a dif- ferent aspect. The public is the final au- thority and its welfare the consideration by which all questions must ultimately be settled.
The United Mine Workers have long been a strong union. In the coal fields which it controls it is all powerful. It is rich. It gets its riches by the check-off system. Under this system the mining companies deduct from each man’s wages his dues to the union and send them to the union treasury—not only his dues but any assessments which the union may levy. The United Mine Workers can and do raise twelve or fifteen million dollars a year in this manner. With such large sums in its treasury it is an extremely powerful or- ganization. But in spite of its power so far there are several coal fields—the most impor- tant being West Virginia—where the union has no foothold. Last summer, when the union called the strike which caused such suffering last winter, the non-union fields began to increase their production to such an extent that the strike would have failed had the United Mine Workers not succeeded in stimulating the railroad strike; this prevented
of Events 133
the movement of sufficient coal from the non- union fields. But the Mine Workers Union is not content with winning its strike by the help of the railroad workers. It is deter- mined to secure a complete monopoly of coal mine labor and it has even gone so far several times as to organize armed bands to introduce unionism in non-union territory by force. At Herrin, IIl., and elsewhere it has organized armed men to drive out or kill any who should endeavor to mine coal while the United Mine Workers were on strike. Its great funds raised by the check-off system supplied the money to pay counsel at the Herrin trials. In this mining district, although everyone knew that men were lined up in front of a barbed wire fence and shot in cold blood, no one has been convicted. Both the murders and the collapse of justice are triumphs for the United Mine Workers. In another case the United Mine Workers practised sabotage upon a mine which refused to adopt the check- off. Their campaign of destruction was so successful that they finally destroyed the mine. But their escape from justice was not so successful as at Herrin. The union finally paid $400,000 for the campaign of sabotage which it had conducted.
A Union Which Seeks a Monopoly
HE Union Mine Workers are no longer
the weak gathering of workingmen
banded together to protect themselves
from the unfair domination of their employ-
ers. It is a militant organization with a war chest determined upon a monopoly.
The public is interested that the miner may have protection in his dangerous calling and that he may have a fair wage. It is also in- terested that the miners, like everyone else, do not transgress the laws of the land and that they do not by monopoly or otherwise profiteer on an essential article of public consumption.
The United Mine Workers can neither reasonably ask nor expect any public sym- pathy for their campaigns of warfare, murder, and sabotage by which they have endeavored to maintain and extend their monopoly. Nor can they expect any public sympathy for that monopoly itself. In Illinois, common laborers belonging to the union working above ground outside the mine shafts are getting $6.60 a day, from 25 to 50 per cent. more



134

JOHN LEWIS President of the United Mine Workers. situation in the mining districts is smoldering. issue at stake is whether the mines are to remain in private proprietorship or to be governmentally owned
The labor The real
than common labor is getting at other tasks. And the miners are likewise getting similar large pay per day. It is true, as the Mine Workers claim, that they do not work much more than half the time. But with a swollen rate of pay, miners prefer to stay in this business, idle a third of the time, to work- ing all the year round at lower wages at some- thing else.
The non-union fields, where wages are not so high, would normally encroach on the busi- ness of the union fields and it is the fear of this that leads the United Mine Workers to endeavor by persuasion, war, or any other means to extend their monopoly to the present non-union fields. Once that is accomplished the union’s dictation of price for coal will be complete.
In most industries the public has looked to the employer to prevent labor from profiteer- ing. Ina large measure, in this country this has happened, for there have been few unions in this country strong enough to maintain a monopoly. But the Mine Workers are now dominant. The operators of union mines are afraid of them. The public must look to some other force for protection from extortion.
The World’s Work
There are two possible forces. the competi- tion of the non-union mine fields and govern- ment regulation.
The competition of the non-union mines can be counted upon as a protection for the public if the public authorities will protect non- union men at work. But that means a pub- lic condemnation of the Mine Workers’ cam- paign of sabotage, murder, and war: the union will have to give up these methods of increas- ing its hold on the coal business.
When the Government failed last summer to reach any solution of the coal problem, the President appointed a Fact Finding Com- mission under the chairmanship of John Hays Hammond.
This body is now meeting and taking testi- mony. The testimony is largely from either the United Mine Workers or the mine opera- tors. It is the tendency of such commissions to listen to both sides and then make a report suggesting a compromise—usually at the pub- lic expense. This kind of settlement of the coal problem has been going on for a long time. It is to be hoped that this commission will look at the matter from the public’s point of view and recommend a policy for the public benefit. If this is done with honesty and courage there will be public support enough to give such a policy a real test even though it be a difficult policy to carry out.
Relief from Egypt
ET us suppose that J. Pierpont Mor- . gan, when he died ten years ago, left no descendants and therefore no direct
heirs among whom his great art treasures could be divided. Let us imagine further that his representatives, not wishing to leave these to be fought over by a crowd of remote relatives, decided to bury them in a tomb carved out of the solid rock of New York State—say in the Highlands of the Hudson— and that, with elaborate ceremonies, they laid the great magnate to rest with his priceless collections and walled up the en- trance. Ina hundred or two years débris of various kinds collects over this entrance, ul- timately so completely obliterating it that all knowledge of its location disappears. Gradu- ally the boasted American civilization crum- bles away, our skyscrapers fall to earth and leave only a few ruins; the art of constructing our steel bridges, railroads, automobiles, air-










The March of Events 135
planes, telephones, and radios is lost; our very writing becomes merely a mass of mysterious symbols, whose secret lies undis- covered for many centuries. Barbarians swarm over the American soil; the centre of civilization shifts, perhaps to those northern regions which Mr. Stefansson has recently protrayed as the future abiding place of progressive peoples. Thus three thousand years pass away; the energetic races above the Arctic Circle become curious about the his- toric fragments located at the mouth and along the bank of the Hudson; their savants eventually solve the secret of our writing and discover many astonishing things that lead them to believe that this ruined area was anciently populated by races of high intelli- gence who in many of the arts and mechanics of life surpassed themselves. Excavating ex- peditions set to work, wonder after wonder is uncovered, and finally, to the amazement of the world, the splendors of Mr. Morgan’s tomb are revealed. The paintings, the tap- estries—alas! in a state of fragile decay— the pottery, the jewels, the furniture, the books of an entirely forgotten age stand at last revealed. All traces of the American and European civilization of past ages have

disappeared; only the fortunate fact that Mr. Morgan’s treasures were buried with him at last discloses the great secrets of a long de- parted era.
If such a thing could conceivably happen, the future would witness a phenomenon not unlike that recently uncovered in the Valley of the Tombs in Egypt. For Tut-ankh-amen was the last of his line; he left no heirs; and that, according to the great British Egyptolo- gist, Flinders Petrie, is the reason all this artistic wealth was placed in his tomb. More- over it was, like Mr. Morgan’s, a collection; it had been accumulated for many years, perhaps for more than a century, by the Pharoah’s predecessors; like Mr. Morgan’s, it was not exclusively drawn from any one country; it had been assembled from the en- tire world as it then existed; it has already been established, for example, that one of the priceless couches was really a gift to Tut-ankh-amen’s predecessor from the King of Babylon. It was thus just as representa- tive of the civilized world of three thousand years ago as was Mr. Morgan’s of his own and preceding ages. And this is what gives it its preéminent value. Many months, perhaps many years, will pass before the mass of ma-


THE VALLEY OF THE KINGS IN EGYPT
Recent discoveries in which have uncovered an entirely new chapter in ancient civilization



136

terial is completely rescued and restored. But it is already known that a new and great chapter has been added to history. The dis- covery comes at a happy time; it gives the world a sadly needed new interest, for cer- tainly a diversion from horrid war and still more horrid peace, from reparations, sanc- tions, invasions, and conferences, will be an excellent thing for the overwrought nerves of mankind.
Boston Turns on ‘‘Hudson Seal”’
OR the last year the Better Business } Commission of Boston has been en- gaged in a particularly praiseworthy enterprise; that of improving the truthfulness of advertising. American business houses have for years manifested a higher conscience in this detail than those of any other country. Many reputable European magazines and newspapers carry advertising of a deceptive and demoralizing character—advertising which American periodicals of equal standing would never admit. It might therefore seem that this “crusade” was one not emphatically demanded. The main intention is to clean up a few of the minor deceptions that still exist, and it is especially creditable that this organization is aiming not primarily at the small advertisers but at the great department stores. Certain houses are still inclined to advertise goods as wool when in reality they are a mixture of wool and cotton; it is precisely little misrepresentations of this kind which the Commission aims to correct. The procedure is direct and even drastic. The Better Business Commission has a group of professional shoppers, who start on their daily rounds armed with newspaper advertise- ments, visit the department stores, compare the goods displayed with the goods advertised, and then make written reports concerning their truthfulness or their mendacity. Any proprietor caught misrepresenting, even in the smallest degree, has the discrepancy immediately called to his attention. In most cases they at once reform, the result being that department store advertising in Boston is rapidly approaching perfection, so far as its reliability is concerned.
The Better Business Commission asserts that it has already cleaned up one branch of advertising that especially needed reformation; fur advertising in Boston, it claims, is more

The World’s Work
truthful than in any large American city. Such furs as “Hudson Seal,” “Arctic Seal” and “Baltic Seal’? have practically dis- appeared from the newspaper announcements. The fact that the Commission has made a drive against these mild misrepresentations illustrates the high standards exacted. Prob- ably few purchasers of “Hudson Seal’’ are under the misapprehension’ that they are acquiring a genuine sealskin coat. Most women know that “Hudson Seal” is really dyed muskrat. But why, demand the Boston reformers, call it a seal when it is not a sealP Why not give the muskrat the credit, especially as it has so obligingly sur- rendered its pelt? And there is another consideration involved; the habit of calling dyed muskrat “Hudson Seal,” even though no one is deceived, gives unscrupulous manu- facturers an excuse for dying other furs and producing other “seals.” Thus there are “Arctic Seals,” “ Baltic Seals,” “ Bay Seals,” —none of which are sealskin, but merely dyed rabbit. If dyed muskrat is a seal, why is not dyed rabbit? There is thus no limit to the consequences of one tolerated de-, ception.
Women can buy a muskrat coat in Boston, or a rabbit coat, but they cannot buy a “Hudson Seal” or a “Baltic Seal.” Thus does the new conscience in business gradually lift the level of business morals.
The Larger Field for Bond Selling
T IS by the sale of bonds that the perma-
| nent financing of the industries of the country is largely done. The sale of bonds is one essential of our prosperity. Before the war the average sale of bonds by an investment banking house amounted to about $10,000; to-day it is $2,000 or $3,000. That means, that with the sales a third or less of what they used to be there must be three or four times as many bond buyers as there were before the war in order to absorb the bonds of the railroads, public utility com- panies, industrial concerns, and foreign gov- ernments that have been offered here since the war. Happily this largely increased
number of buyers has appeared.
Those who used to buy corporation bonds in blocks of $10,000 are the people of large incomes who are subject to the high income surtaxes.
They now buy tax-exempt bonds




—_ =

of the Federal, state, city, and county gov- ernments. The interest on these is lower than the interest on corporation securities but the difference is not as much as the tax which is thus avoided. It is the people of smaller incomes who are not subject ‘to the high sur- taxes to whom corporation and foreign bonds must now be sold.
Fortunately there seem to be enough of these people to take all such securities that are offered. The Liberty Loan campaigns gave a liberal education in bond buying and since‘the war the amount of corporate financ- ing consummated annually has exceeded the pre-war average. When the foreign financing is added, the total is much greater.
The difference in the size of holdings shows graphically this change in the bond buy- ing public. And the income tax returns show that the number of taxable incomes of $1,000,000 .and over fell off 80 per cent. from 1916 to 1920, due to this change from taxable to tax-exempt investments. The actual falling off of such returns was from 206 in 1916 to 33 in 1920. On the other hand, the growth in the number of re- turns of incomes of from $3,000 to $5,000 (where most of the smallest of our new bond buyers are to be found) has been 750 per cent. In this case the gain is from 157,149 returns in 1916 to 1,337,116 in 1920. The larger part is actual although some small part of the gain is undoubtedly due to the fact that many people with such incomes did not report them in 1916.
This chart shows the broadening of the field for bond selling. But to sell bonds to ten people where formerly they were sold to one requires different selling methods, and we are to-day witnessing a popularizing of the bond selling business. Leading real estate mortgage bond houses (one of which discovered to its own astonishment years ago that a real estate mortgage could be split up into small parts and sold to many investors) have been pio- neers in popularizing and humanizing bond sell- ing. They have found that bonds can be sold by advertising when the right kind of copy is used. Other investment houses are also abandoning the stereotyped methods of the past and are pitching their appeal to a larger audience. Illustrations and other aids to
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1 37
artistic beauty are now appearing in the cir- culars and advertisements of leading in- vestment banking houses. The bond sales- man who must now find ten customers where formerly he had to find but one, needs these modern aids to merchandizing. The in- vestment houses that have adopted them have found that they pay.
One of these houses, which has clearly visu- alized this broadening of the investment busi- ness, has adopted its selling methods to take full advantage of it, and has gone so far as to sell its bonds on the instalment plan, has had very interesting experiences with this method of selling. While the sales do not pay directly because of the great amount of detail work con- nected with them, this house has found that indirectly, in ways that can be clearly traced, they do pay. Those who make their first in- vestments in this way invariably come back to buy more bonds, for which they often pay outright. And they frequently bring other business to the house. In one case the house traced thirteen distinct sales to one small partial payment account; the total of the sales was $75,000. While thus serving small investors and stimulating saving, this house is profiting by it as well. The number of instalment accounts on its books is now more than $5,000.
A Correction Concerning Governor Towner
it was stated that Governor Horace M.
Towner, of Porto Rico, was at the time of his appointment a “lame duck,” or a de- feated candidate for Congress serving out his term.
This statement was an error. Mr. Towner had been reélected to Congress. He resigned from that body, where he was a member of the Insular Affairs Committee, to accept the governorship of Porto Rico to which he had previously made at least one trip. The Wor p’s Work wishes to rectify its previous mistake and to wish the new Governor of Porto Rico a success that will rank him with our best insular administrators.
| N THE April issue of the Wor_p’s Work


THE GROWTH OF A “RAINY DAY FUND”
Every month in this part of the magazine the Wor pv’s Work prints an article on investments
and the lessons to be learned therefrom.
This month’s story is from a Wor.pv’s Work reader
and correspondent of the Readers’ Service Bureau who started saving a “rainy day fund” soon after he began work at seventeen, and who now, at sixty, has well over $100,000 to provide for
himself and his wife in their old age. as instructive as these.
HEN | was a boy, seven-
teen years old, | was placed
on my own resources and
started work at 7 cents an
hour, working sixty hours
a week and paying my board out of the $4.20 that | received.
| managed to get along on this for a short
time until my employer felt warranted in
giving me a cent an hour more, which he did
from time to time. 1 worked hard and was
happy, especially when | was able to put a
little money aside each week. It has always
been my endeavor to save something for a rainy day—for sickness or unemployment.
Fortunately neither of these two ccnditions happened; my health has been good and in the dullest times | always have had work, either for others or in my own small business for a time.
So my “rainy day fund”’ grew until | felt that | was able to buy a small home. My first investment, therefore, was in a modest though comfortable home. The house was all right but | soon found that the location was not right. A vacant lot across the street, on which private houses were to be built, was used instead for the erection of an undesirable commercial establishment. This changed the character of the neighborhood and | sold my house at a loss of about 25 per cent. of the purchase price. This was a hard blow but I learned a lesson.
After buying and paying for a better home in a good neighborhood, | was again able to start saving for other investments. | began buying first mortgages on improved city real estate and these investments proved satisfac- tory aside from the fact that the interest was occasionally delayed and at the time the mort- gages expired they were sometimes paid off
Other readers may have had experiences as interesting and If so, the Worip’s Work would be glad to hear about them.— Tue Epitors.
which meant occasional reinvestment troubles.
My next experience in the investment game was rather an unfortunate and expensive one. It was caused by the advice of a “friend’’ who persuaded me to invest in seashore lots. | bit and got bitten. | bought two lots in different sections. On one | had to build as per agreement and after all the building troubles | sold the place at a very nominal profit. The other lot, for which | paid too much in the first place, instead of increasing in value, decreased steadily, and for some years there were no buyers at all. Not until after fifteen years was | able to sell and then at a greatly reduced figure.
In this investment my good money, instead of earning something for me, if only 33 or 4 per cent., was lying idle all this time. In the second place, the tax expense increased yearly and was a total loss tome. And in the third and last place when | finally did sell | lost about 35 per cent. of the money | had paid for the lot. The only lot I have bought since then was a cemetery lot and | know this is the last lot | ever shall buy.
After having purchased a number of local real estate mortgages, at one time when I had some money to invest, | could not get any- thing more of this kind, so | went to a local bond broker and bought a municipal bond. Occasionally after that this broker sold me other bonds, all of which have proved satis- factory. My connection with this concern was broken when | moved to another city, but all my business in the way of purchasing securities—railroad, public utility, industrial, or real estate mortgages—has been done with reliable firms and I am pleased to say that so far | have never lost any interest and I feel my principal is safe and the securities can be realized upon with little trouble.

ling inal too sing ome ntil hen
read or 4 the ased | the ell | had ught this
local had any- local yond. 1 me satis- cern city, asing trial, with iat so | feel 5 can
The Growth of a “Rainy Day Fund”
There was another experience, however, which caused me some sorrow and worry. lt was an investment in the stock of a new industrial enterprise. That was the work of a sweet talker who found his sucker and | lost. Never again! | still own considerable industrial stock, but it is practically all in a growing company with the progress of which | am kept fairly well posted. This invest- ment grew out of my own experience in business.
My investments in bonds, which, with my real estate mortgages, amount to $75,000 par value, | have made on the recommendation of reliable investment houses together with advice gathered from other sources—the Wor Lp’s Work for one. It was my endeavor at first to get as high a return as | could from mortgage securities; and as high grade railroad bonds then sold very high, | picked out what my limited knowledge told me would be good public utility bonds. | was advised some years ago, | think by the WorLp’s Work, that | should add some railroad bonds to my list, at least more than | had in proportion to the public utilities, in order to diversify my hold- ings, and | selected from time to time railroad issues such as Pennsylvania Railroad general mortgage bonds, Cheaspeake & Ohio first consolidated mortgage 5s, Atchison general 4s, Oregon-Washington R. R. & Navigation first and refunding 4s, Chicago, Burlington & Quincy general 4s, New York Central re- funding 5s, Great Northern refunding 54s, and Norfolk & Western consolidated 4s.
Some of these | feel | paid too much for, but I am satisfied to pay some extra for greater safety. Most all of them, however, | bought at comparatively low figures. Several times, in order to take advantage of the low prices, | borrowed money on collateral, and | am sorry now that I did not play that game stronger. 1 bought such bonds as Norfolk & Western 4s at 74. It not only gave me a return of 5 per cent., or more, on very high grade stuff, but it also gave me an incentive to get rid of the bank loan as soon as possible.
My present bond and mortgage invest- ments, three fourths of which have been made out of savings from wages and salary, are now divided about as follows: Liberty Bonds 4 per cent., Municipals 2 per cent. Real Estate Mortgages 20 per cent., Railroad bonds 32 per cent., Public Utilities 37 per cent., Industrials 5 per cent. | am now nearly
i 39
sixty years old and am still working for a salary, but there will be a time when the income from my savings will have to keep my- self and wife. My children are educated and have good positions.
My advice to a son is:
Live comfortably but be thrifty and saving.
Put your systematic savings in a good sav- ings bank to begin with.
Start some shares in a building and loan association.
If you have some surplus money study up investments and get a high grade security even if you have to pay something for redun- dant safety.
Get reports on your investments at least once a year.
It is natural for a man who wishes to make conservative investments to read up on matters pertaining to the subject and to form a set of rules to govern the selection and diversification of his securities. I have al- ways felt that a business man in the prime of life, especially one well posted regarding the different kinds of securities, could buy issues that would not be suited to my purpose. My aim for several years past has been to get high grade bonds of fairly long maturity, say twelve years or more, and lately | have felt it better to buy 5 per cent. bonds between 92 and 08, if they are callable at 105, than 6 per- cent. bonds around par or over which could be called at 105. If the former are called, | take my profit and then can afford to reinvest at a reduced rate of interest.
The question of selecting the right kind of security when | have funds available for investment very often has been and still is usually a matter of more or less concern. One of my rules has been to ask advice from some reliable and disinterested source, and | take great pleasure in stating that I have taken great interest in what | could learn from articles printed in the WorLp’s Work and have always welcomed any advice from the Readers’ Service Bureau.
If you think there is anything in this that will help some young man to get started sav- ing or keep him on the lookout for people who are trying to make a sucker out of him, you are welcome to use it. Life is short and | think many, many men cannot afford to lose a lot of hard earned money and have enough left to make them fairly independent in old age.

Politics as a Profession
How Really Successful Politics Should Be Played. The Need for Men Who Put Service Above Self, Who Work for Causes and Ideals, and Who are Willing to Lose a Fight Rather Than Compromise Themselves
By THE RIGHT HONORABLE DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
BUSE of politicians as a tribe is one of the commonplaces of all smoking rooms. One of the charges which is freely brought against them is that they wrangle
incessantly about worthless trivialities: they embroil the nation about differences between Tweedledum and Tweedledee, or, as Dean Swift put it, “about whether you should break the egg at the big or the little end.’”’ No doubt there have been times of which this can be said with the most complete truth. You can read of periods in the political history of England when it would have been very difficult to distinguish the contending prin- ciples for which the Whigs and the Tories fought with savage ferocity. I have some-
times asked politicians in foreign countries
to explain to me the difference between the various groups into which the electors seem to be divided in those lands. Their explana- tions have often appeared to me quite in- explicable. | have no doubt if a similar question had been addressed to me at certain periods in the history of our political conflicts, foreigners would have been equally puzzled to appreciate the lines of divergence and de- marcation between the wrestling teams here. That is no condemnation of politicians. It is more often a reflection of the political, social, or economic conditions of the times. They are only keeping in training for the hour when the real fight comes. Just like armies they have their firing practice and their sham fights and their great Autumn manoeuvres. No one is seriously hurt, everybody enjoys himself. There is the joy of conflict and the rapture of triumph exactly as if it were a real battle—and the newspapers are full of the skill of the generals and the discipline and the gallantry of the troops. To the onlooker they all appear very ridiculous and very wasteful of expensive ammunition and of time
and energy. But when real warfare comes you will find that these years of drilling and practising have all served a useful purpose. So in politics, when great issues arise you have a body of men trained to instruct, to appeal, to organize, and to carry through a great pur- pose or a great cause to victory. It is often the only defence put forward when introduc- ing party politics into municipal contests. And there have been times when there can be no doubt as to the gravity and moment of the issues in challenge between the parties. The freedom of the conscience, the liberty of speech, the rights of citizenship, national freedom at home and abroad, peace or war, the conditions of life in home and factory— these are some of the tremendous questions over which parties have fought their political battles. Questions are arising which involve the very foundations of our social and eco- nomic system. It is well that they should be settled by a highly trained political people. What happens in the absence of this education and discipline is seen in the state of Russia to-day.
You can find no better illustration of the value of the political training for which our partisan warfare is responsible than the use to which politicians were put during the Great War. It will give you an idea of the im- portance in a grave national emergency of political training which the institutions of England afford. When men had to be raised for our armies the campaign was conducted largely by our great political organizations; when money had to be raised to pay the expenses of the war the politician, with his gifts of appeal to the masses, was invaluable; when the zeal of the nation flagged, owing to losses and deferred hope, the politician with his trained gift for rousing tired zeal and re- kindling exhausted emotions was indispens- able; when employers had to be persuaded to

Politics as a Profession
convert their factories into arsenals, and workmen had to be persuaded to work over- time, the politicians had to be mobilized.
It is interesting from this point of view alone to read the remarkable books written by the Germans to explain their defeat. One must make an allowance for the natural disposition of one class of men to lay the blame for dis- aster upon the shoulders of another. We must discount a good deal for the old rivalry between soldiers and politicians. But taking all this into account, the facts themselves drive you to the conclusion that there is much to be said for the criticism put forward by the great German military leaders, that the completeness of the disaster was due largely to the fact that the German politician did not do his duty in organizing and keeping up the spirit of the nation behind the lines. Conscripts were mobilized, but not con- sciences. In these days the former are of no use without the latter. The result was that
the spirit of the German people collapsed be- fore the resistance of the soldiers had broken. Letters that poured from towns and villages beyond the reach of danger into trenches which were deluged with death, were filled with dispiriting and discouraging matter which
weakened the morale of the troops. There
141
was no one in Germany to arouse the patriot- ism of the people, to raise their spirits, to in- fuse iron into their blood, to inspire them to endure hardships, to face anxieties, to bear growing burdens. You may say it was the failure of a system. That is true. In this war, free democracy in France, Belgium, Italy, America, and Britain showed it had greater powers of endurance than autocratic or semi- autocratic government in Russia, Austria, and Germany. And for the work of free democ- racy the-politician is essential.
What qualities do you require to achieve success in politics? At least every quality of capacity and character which is necessary to command success in any other walk of life. Like any other great career, politics demand intelligence, insight, imagination, concentra- tion, industry, uprightness in life and conduct. Every lapse is a handicap which weights you down in the race, and slackness of every kind is, in the end, fatal. The rotten branch soon breaks under the strain of political life. You may win popularity with meretricious gifts, but you can never retain it without real quality. But if | were to choose the gifts which you specially need more in politics than in any other pursuit or profession, | would begin with courage. All life demands cour-

THREE GENERATIONS OF THE LLOYD GEORGE FAMILY The former premier is shown here with his daughter, Mrs. Carey Evans, and his grand-daughter



The Right Honorable
age, but there is no vocation which makes a more constant draft on courage, every kind of courage—moral courage, prompt courage, but most of all the courage that lasts and the kind of courage that rises with discourage- ment. A political career is full of disappoint- ments and hurts. Politicians work in an atmosphere of criticism and censure. There are men engaged and organizations main- tained for the purpose of disparaging, finding fault, and condemning politicians—their prin- ciples, their words, their actions. Every deed and phrase is scrutinized by trained eyes with miscroscopic minuteness, and blemishes, if not exaggerated, are, at least, presented in the dimensions in which they appear through the microscope. There are some men who at- tract more criticism than others. Everything they say, everything they do, or everything they fail to say or neglect to do is promptly
LLOYD GEORGE WITH HIS WIFE AND DAUGHTER
Miss Megan Lloyd George, shown here with her parents, is one of her father’s closest companions

David Lloyd George
fastened upon; some could not walk across a golf course on Sunday without incessant re- proach, others might tee their ball on the church steeple with hardly a murmur. A politician makes a mistake. Never to err in word or deed is not human. Everybody makes mistakes in his business or calling, and if every business man were liable to have not only his transactions but the very words in which he transacted them subjected to close examination in public would any escape reproof? But what happens to the politician who blunders in act or speech? He wakes up one morning and finds from his newspaper that his error is blazoned forth to the world, and he is principally conscious of the fact that at that moment there are millions of his fellow-countrymen either abusing him, curs- ing him, or, what is still worse, laughing at him. | have seen men who had faced death and torture in every form, quail and shrink before ridicule, for the cor- rosive shafts of ridicule burn and gnaw into our very tissues. The poor politician has to endure it through life, and when he reads of his mistake and of the use which is made of it he knows he will never hear the end of it. He will again and again be reproached with it and when his unfortunate stumble is published to the world he realizes that fate has tied an- other knot in the lash with which the furies flog his lacerated back through life. There is no profes- sion which is carried on under such exacting, irritating, and mortifying conditions. Just im- agine what would happen if a barrister or a clergyman or a doc- tor had to discharge the duties attached to their exalted profes- sions under the conditions which afflict the life of the politician. Let us take the case, first of all, of the barrister. He has to con- duct a very difficult and compli- cated casein Court. He does his best for his client, puts the whole of his strength and ability into the presentation of his case. A real aptitude for the study and practice of the law and a life of in- dustrious application to its duties



rm




Politics as a Profession
have given him proficiency. He has worked hard at this particular brief, all the experience and ac- cumulated skill of a lifetime, added to no mean natural gifts, are all placed at the disposal of the man whose cause he is plead- ing. Nevertheless, the following morning this is the kind of com- ment which would, if he were treated like politicians, appear in the press which happened to be hostile to him and to his cause: “The opening of the case of Brown v. Robinson by Mr. Ernest Pleader, K. C., yesterday, was, by universal consent to say the least, disappointing. As we have repeatedly pointed out in these columns, the plaintiff’s case at best is a bad one, but Mr. Pleader made the worst of a bad case. We areaware that a knowledge of law and its principles are not his strong point, but we credited him with the possession of a vein of crude emotionalism which ap- peals to a certain type of petty juror. Yesterday, however, even that resource failed him com- pletely. He emptied galleries at-


tracted by the interest of thecase. The jury looked with envious eyes at those who were free to depart. His cross-examination was hectoring without being effective. Buzfuz at least won his case. Pleader lost his. We are not surprised that the popularity of this well-known advocate which was always confined to a certain class of client and case—not by any means the highest—is waning, even in that quarter.”
That is not an unfair parallel to the criti- cism to which politicians are subjected. There are probably few men who could have done it better than poor Pleader, and they are certainly not amongst the critics; and the men who could do it better were probably en- gaged on other causes and were there sub- jected to exactly the same kind of criticism.
May I dare to imagine the kind of para- graph that would be written about great surgeons:
“We are loth to dwell on the horrible scenes that were enacted yesterday at the operating theatre of St. Blank’s, when Sir Ruthless
PREMIER LLOYD GEORGE WITH THE KING
Cutter performed what ought to have been a perfectly simple operation in a manner which
would have disgraced a mere novice. We hate using the word ‘Butchery,’ but the English language in all its opulence can fur- nish us with no other equally appropriate.” Then come the clergy. Here | will quote headlines only, for the whole article would be too long for quotation. These are the large headlines in a popular paper in reference to the Minister of a Church whose doctrines and traditions are obnoxious to the paper in which these comments appear. The first is a report of the Sunday morning sermon. “Even the deacons yawn’’; “Why sleep at homer” The next is “An emptying Church”; the next is “ Moral condition of parish deteri- orating under new régime”. Then comes the turn of the missionary, and these are the head- lines: “Appalling waste on cannibals’’; the next, “Clear out of the Solomon Islands.”


144

These methods are not exactly encourag- ing, not very nerving, certainly not agreeable, and | doubt whether they are very helpful. But they are all fairly good samples of the kind of criticism which is inflicted on the poli- tician in every act he does and every phrase which he uses. | am not going to pretend that all the public comments take the form of censure and attack. There are compensa- tions, for the politician who invites onslaught on the other hand never lacks appreciation, and the zeal of his adherents is fanned by the breeze of opposition. And the measure of appreciation he enjoys is generally in pro- portion to the intensity of the hostility he ex- cites. And if he is of any use at all, to be attacked and admired is better for him than to be ignored. Indifference and apathy are fatal to the joy of labor, but countered criti- cism is a stimulant. Still, the joys of politics are an acquired taste, and you must get ac- customed to them. When you do, if you are wise you will discount both excessive praise and captious blame, and arrive at a working balance. Thus alone can a politician pre- serve his sanity of mind. There are not many that get right through. There are not many

tl
* ‘ j
sisi bite fie * a caida -


WHERE LLOYD GEORGE LIVES
When he left No. 10 Downing Street, the official home of the British Prime Minister, he moved to this modest London house

The Right Honorable David Lloyd George
who survive, but those who do are a hardy tribe. As for the rest, they either turn back altogether, or stop half way. Or, if they get to their objective, they are apt to seek shelter in the igloos, leaving it to the more intrepid and adventurous to do the hunting and ex- ploring.
So, if you are thinking of a political career do not imagine that it is a life of comfort and ease and enjoyment. If you like the sort of thing | have described, you will enjoy it; otherwise you had better try something else. There are those who will tell you that if you go into politics you must have a thick skin. They are quite wrong. Thick skins generally go with thick heads. Sensitiveness and sus- ceptibility, if kept under control and properly directed, are a source of power. It is not a thick head that is required, but a stout heart.
! therefore, put courage, enduring courage, in the forefront of the qualifications for a real politician’s life. What else do you need? You ought to have the gift of speech. You often hear that “politicians are all talk, talk, talk and nothing done.”” You will generally find that the kind of man who most em- phatically objects to talk is the man who himself talks everybody else down by his strident garrulity—the type of man who, as George Meredith said in telling mea story of a noisy man he once met in Cumberland, “talks down the tunnels.”’ Judging from the specimens | have seen, great doers are also great talkers. Some of the greatest business men | have ever met talk like the Gulf Stream. You cannot always tell where their story begins or how it ends, but all the same it sweeps you along its resistless current. The strong silent man may have roamed the earth in prehistoric days, but I have never met him nor have | heard of any one else who has; and | feel sure he must now be as extinct as the Mastodon. But with politicians, speak- ing is an essential part of their business. It is true that politicians have to depend upon speech as their most accustomed and potent weapon. Parliamentary government means, etymologically as well as in reality, govern- ment by talk. Bagehot said that the best free government was that which the people thought best. The most exalted function of the politician is to teach the people what
government is best for them. In a free gov-
ernment you must talk your way to good gov-
ernment—for there are so many to persuade.



ere

Seen tad




ae a a
Politics as a Profession
In order to teach, to persuade, and to con- vince, civilization has in the main two means, —writing and speaking, or, in other words, reading and listening. You may add another which has of late been rapidly developed as a means of instruction and that is seeing. An idea reaches a hundred brains through talk for every one it finds through reading. Apart from the fact that there are many more who listen to political argument than there are who read it, the personality of the speaker also counts and makes an impression that is absent from the merely written word. In the conflict between the written and the spoken word the latter has hitherto been the more powerful. | remember Mr. Gladstone at a dinner party at which | was privileged as a young Member to be present telling us that in every conflict between the platform and the press the platform invariably won. If | may presume to vary an expression used by so great an authority—the better platform invariably beats the stronger press. This proposition, if true, is full of significance at the present moment. I recently asked a parliamentary candidate the day before his poll how many electors he thought he had addressed in the aggregate. The figure he gave me represented one sixth of the electorate in that consti-
tuency. He then informed me that the local press was hostile, and refused to report his
speeches. Nevertheless, the following day found him at the top of the poll, and the can- didate who had received the whole of the press support at the bottom, with something be- tween a third and a fourth of the votes re- corded by my friend. How did that come to pass? It is worth some examination. It is no use adding up the circulation of the daily and weekly press, and drawing conclusions from that as to the influence of the news- paper in forming the political judgment of the people. | have heard many discussions as to the percentage of newspaper readers who peruse leading articles, or who read re- ports of speeches. The estimates vary, but | never heard one which placed the proportion at a very high percentage. What really happens is that a certain number of eager politicians read both. Their minds become soaked and equipped with such ideas as these articles and speeches furnish. Articles and speeches are merely the arsenals out of which the trained men are armed for their part in the struggle. They pass on these ideas to

DAVID LLOYD GEORGE AT 30 When he was just starting his political career
the men with whom they come in contact in speeches in addresses and even more in con- versation. Those who receive them at this first remove again pass them on and so the process is continued and repeated until it reaches the multitude, and an idea becomes formidable politically when it is repeated from mouth to mouth by men who never heard a political speech. A programme is successful when a truth becomes a tag. It has then survived criticism, argument, ex- amination, amendment. It fails when the tag has fulfilled its function and gets in the way of other truths. It then becomes an embarrassment and an impediment. But in the end we are governed by the winning tag. That is the result of talk. It is the only method ever known of running a free govern- ment. The only alternative is an autocracy and that only limits the circle of talk. It substitutes the boudoir for the assembly room. The men, therefore, who despise talk, themselves talk nonsense, and mischievous nonsense at that. There are two delusions about public speaking that are still accepted by shallow observers. The first is that if a man speaks with ease, charm, and force he is



146 The Right Honorable not much of a thinker and that he is still less of a doer. The other is that a man who hesitates in his speech and finds difficulty in expressing his thoughts possesses thoughts too deep for expression.
Before | conclude | should like to utter a word of necessary warning to the man or wo- man who possesses a natural gift of fluent and effective speech. Words come to them so readily, and voice and action have such ex- cellence that they eas- ily win their way to at- tention and admira- tion. The toil which alone enables the un- ready orator to speak at all they find unnec- essary. They therefore are tempted todosome- thing which is known as “trusting to the in- spiration of the mo- ment.” A fatal phrase upon which many promising careers have been wrecked. The surest road to in- spiration is prepara- tion. The more vol- uble you are naturally, the harder you ought to labor. A _ natural gift is a fatal snare for the indolent. I have seen many brilliant men caught and ar- rested by their own talents. I have seen many men of un- doubted courage and capacity fail for lack of industry. On theother hand | have seen many a clumsy but persevering tortoise waddle suc- cessfully to the goal. Mastery in speech can only be reached by mastery in your subject. Read all there is to be read upon it. See all you can see concerning it. Talk to any one worth talking to about it. Then the House will listen to you when you address it on that subject, if you speak tolerably. But they soon find out if you are only rolling out uninformed generalities. And may I| utter another cau- tion? Do not play a selfish game. Put your whole strength into joint stock. Don’t cal-

The English Prime Minister was one of the most successful of the contending representatives at Paris during the Peace Conference

David Lloyd George
culate too closely whether from your personal point of view a job is worth doing. Don't be always reckoning the attractiveness of a duty by the amount of publicity it brings you. If you always weigh effort from the point of view of its advertising value, you will soon find that however skilfully you may disguise it the general public will in the end discover what is only advertisement and what is real copy.
Members of Parlia- ment are taking their duties more and more seriously. The days of the mere voting machine are num- bered. It is not that members do not vote as faithfully for their respective parties as they did in the old days. It is that they realize that however humble their positions may be they are ex- pected to play a more active part in the ma- chinery of government than their predeces- sors did. There are two reasons for this change. One is the fact that politicians are becoming moreand more concerned with the daily life of the people. The days when the fate of Jen- kins’ ear or the ap- pointment of the La- dies of the Bedcham- ber played an absorb- ing part in political controversy are past. At this hour there are two bye-elections being fought with great passion. What is the topic which is occupying the minds of the electorate and consequently of the candidates and their speakers? The houses and homes of the people. That leads to the second reason for the seriousness with which members now apply their attention and energies to the dis- charge of their functions. It is the constant increase in the vigilance and the intensity with which the votes and actions of members are being scrutinized by the men and women
© Keystone LLOYD GEORGE AS HE WAS AT THE VERSAILLES CONFERENCE

Shee alls ST

ete Se See

Politics as a Profession
whom they represent. I would, therefore, advise no young man to seek a political career unless he has a serious purpose which he in- tends seriously to pursue.
What is the test of success in politics? Office, position, or decorations? No. The only test of high success in a political life is service. | am the last man to despise or to minimize exalted office. | have held some of the greatest offices in Great Britain for 17 years and 1 am proud of it. But office, rightly regarded, is only a wider opportunity for service. Without genuine service the mem- ory of those who hold the most glittering offices soon perishes. It is he who serves that endures. Service alone embalms the memory of a departed life. Some of the best known and most honored names in the politi- cal history of this country are those of men who either never held office at all or in whose life office was but a transient, trivial, and often distracting incident. Burke, Fox, Sher- idan, Romilly, Bright, and Shaftesbury, each of them held office for a short period of their lives, but their official record is of little ac- count, and on the whole added nothing to the sum of their achievements. Their re- nown, which is immortal, was won out of office. Wilberforce, Cobden, Cobbett, Plimsoll, Dan- iel O’Connell, and all the great Irish leaders, also the men who fought for the solidarity and independence of labor in this country, never held office, but their contributions to human liberty, dignity, and happiness are so great that their names will endure for evermore. Select any one of them and tell me if you can without reference to text books, who held the office of Foreign Secretary, Home Secre- tary, or Chancellor of the Exchequer when these men were performing their greatest deeds and delivering their greatest speeches. When Burke was delivering his speeches on con- ciliation in America, which are enshrined in the literature of England and will last as long as the language is spoken or read, who then was the minister who had charge of our Colonies? When Bright delivered his famous speech about the “ beating of the wings of the Angel of Death” who was the War Minister? But in office, or out of office, your motto should be not “I get on” but “| serve.”” There are men in politics as in all other pursuits who are purely careerists, whose one idea is that of the pushful chauffeur, whose
147
sole purpose seems to be to drive past the cars in front of him. The road is dirty and dangerous with their greedy and selfish am- bition. And there are men who enter politi- cal life for what they can pick in its fields, either in the way of promotion, decoration, or social distinction, but believe me these speci- mens are not typical of the whole tribe and it does not account for the most potent mo- tives, even in some of these men themselves. Not that I claim that politicians are devoid of all selfish desire. Ambition is woven into the texture of human character, and as long as its aims are honorable it stimulates the best in mankind to activity; but this I can say with conviction, that most of the men I have met in politics have given and still give wholehearted devotion to objects which are impersonal to themselves—either parties, leaders, principles, or causes. | can recall to you many cases of noble sacrifice on the part of politicians for one or other of these motives. Peel threw away power which he loved, and broke with the party in which he was brought up and to whom he owed everything—for a conviction. Lord James of Hereford refused the most splendid office in the State—an office which is the crown of a great lawyer’s career—refused it from the man to whom above all others he was personally attached and admired the most, Mr. Gladstone, be- cause he disbelieved in his Irish policy. Then there is the case of the old Irish Na- tionalist party. There were amongst them at least half a dozen men of exceptional gifts. They had every quality that made for politi- cal success. They could have aspired to the highest offices in the State. But they endured humiliation and poverty through life for the sake of their country. And there is the case of Hardie, who faced privation and disdain for the cause he served so bravely through life. To sum it all up, he who feels a call to serve his country and generation in politics is seek- ing a hard but a high vocation. There is no other career except one in which a man who is fitted for it and devotes his energies to its tasks can do more for mankind. The times are so full of peril and perplexities that the fibre of which our politicians are made is being put to the test as it has never been be- fore! The future of any nation for genera- tions will depend on the way they meet and sustain that ordeal.


THE RUHR, THE RHINE, AND REPARATIONS
Why France Was Forced to Enter the Ruhr.
What She Intends to
Accomplish Before She Retires, and Why She Must Succeed. The Necessity for Reparations, and the Greater Necessity for Security. Marshal Foch and the Need for the Rhine as a Military Frontier
By RAYMOND RECOULY
Mr. Raymond Recouly is the editor of La Revue de France.
In 1914 he was connected with
Le Temps until he went into the army where he served on the staff of General Humbert. His articles appeared in this country under the nom de guerre Captain X. He was invited last year to
lecture at the International Conference at Williamstown.
Being acquainted with the principal
political and military figures of his own country and having made three journeys into Germany to study conditions there since the war, he is particularly equipped to write on the questions arising out of France’s move into the Rubr.—TueE Epitors.
T WOULD be difficult to find in the whole of the French Army a less military looking General than Degoutte, Commander-in- Chief of the Franco-Belgian Forces oc- cupying the Ruhr. Modest, thoughtful,
and earnest in appearance, he bears the stamp of the studious, rather than the military man, and in spite of the uniform, he might easily be mistaken for some university professor of mathematics or physics. Above all, he gives one the impression of being a man who does not make decisions lightly, but carefully re- flects upon the situation before acting.
Every time | have met him, whether during the war or after—I do so frequently—that is the impression he always gives me.
Of an observant and studious disposition, never carrying things to an extreme, but firm and inexorable when once his mind is made up, unflinching in the course of action he has mapped out, such are the qualities that were of paramount importance for the man entrusted with the Ruhr occupation.
On his return from a short stay in Diissel- dorf, one of the most prominent French finan- ciers said to me, “The only thing to do is to let Degoutte manage everything, even eco- nomic affairs. You will go a long way before you will find any one who will do it as well.”
The brilliant success of his life and his mili- tary career are all owing to his studious ap- plication and aptitude for continuous effort.
When a young subaltern in a colonial regi-
ment, he was sent to China with the occupa- tion forces. Whilst his comrades spent most of their time in getting up picnics, Degoutte thought his could be better employed in learn- ing the native tongue, and courageously set to work to tackle the difficulties of the Chi- nese language. He had already acquired a certain proficiency when the time came to leave.
During the war, he was given the command of the famous Morrocan Division. Most American soldiers will remember that Di- vision side by side with which they so often fought. So well did Degoutte acquit himself of the task entrusted to him, that he was given the command of an army corps, and sub- sequently, at the most critical time of the war, made Commander-in-Chief of an army.
Degoutte succeeded Mangin in the Rhine- land when the latter left. | frequently had occasion to see him, at his headquarters sur- rounded by his staff. 1 always found him the same; conscientious, studious, convinced that one can often do more by gentle methods, even when dealing with the Germans, than by brutal ones; fully aware that the task given him would be long and strenuous, but that by dint of perseverance we should win through.
Such is the man, the chief, to whom has been entrusted the occupation of the Ruhr. That the French Government should have chosen him is in itself a most significant fact. It is the clearest proof that France never had






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The Ruhr, the Rhine, and Reparations
any intention of employing warlike or violent methods of repression, but that, quite on the contrary, she was only bent on obtaining guarantees against a stubborn debtor. Gen- eral Degoutte is the very opposite of a violent or militaristic character.
OT only does one-hear it said in Germany, which is not very astonishing, but in England also, and America, though to a lesser degree, that the Ruhr occupation was a coup de téte on the part of the French, and that toa great extent French public opinion was against it; that it was chiefly owing to internal politics that the Poincaré Ministry decided in favor of it.
Poincaré is thus made to figure as the insti- gator of a warlike, militarist, and nationalist movement. Very little more would be needed for him to be dubbed “ Poincaré la Rubr,”’ just as he was called “Poincaré la Guerre.”’ The two accusations are on a par; they are worthy of one another. Both are derived from the same source, are the watch-word of the same people, and are instigated to serve the same purpose.
Now there is no such thing, and too much stress cannot be laid upon the fact, asa Poincaré policy on the one hand, and a French one on the other. The so-called Poincaré policy is the policy of the whole of France. \t has the great majority of the nation with it. It is the necessary and logical outcome of a wave of feeling that has become more and more pronounced throughout the country during the last few years.
What is the exact meaning of that feeling? From what has it sprung?
It is absolutely necessary to explain it to our friends abroad. When the reasons that have determined France’s present action are better known, when other countries will have at last realized that it was impossible for her to act otherwise, there is every ground for hope, that the French theory, that is backed by right as well as might, will be approved of by all.
No one can deny that both in the Armistice and the Treaty of Versailles may be found some mistakes, errors, and omissions. From that very hour when brought face to face with military disaster unequalled in the annals of history, the German staff sued for an armis- tice, then accepted all our conditions—from that moment, and during all the months that
149
followed, France had two vital questions to settle with Germany—two vital questions that predominate in all her future and present deal- ings: the question of pledges for her national security, and reparations.
Both—and it would be only too easy to prove it, as events, alas, have too clearly shown—have been inadequately treated, first at the Armistice, then by the Treaty.
As mistakes have to be paid for, especially when made in connection with treaties, where huge interests are at stake, France will have to pay the penalty.
But the French—and it is a very important point—are far from being the only guilty ones. Many of those mistakes, and some of the most serious ones, were not of their making, but were forced on them by their Allies, both English and American.

THE IMPORTANT QUESTION OF FRENCH SECURITY
O TAKE, for example, the question of
France’s security, which is quite as impor- tant if not more so than the question of repara- tions, all will remember with what insistence that greatest of technical authorities, Marshal Foch, demanded the military guard of the frontier of the Rhine, which did not, in any way, mean that the Rhineland was to cease to belong to Germany. Foch merely de- manded that Germany, that is to say, Prussia, should be divested of the power of making use of the Rhineland as a sort of stepping stone for attacking France and Belgium. He declared, and still maintains, that France’s security can only be guaranteed under such conditions. The only way to prevent a new war is for France to mount guard on the Rhine, at least strategically. It is pure folly to talk of dis- armament with a country the size of Ger- many that possesses such a prolific popula- tion, such a genius for perfect organization, and endowed with such a formidable economic system. That military frontier demanded by Foch was refused France by both England and America. After having done all in his power, Clemenceau was obliged to give in, and accept in compensation a temporary occupation of fifteen years duration, the terri- tory to be evacuated by “echelons’”’ (zones) every five years. In exchange for this great concession, England and America undertook to form a guarantee pact, which as everyone knows, fell through.
The same fate awaited the question of




150
reparations, where even the most elementary sense of justice and common sense ought to have decreed that France, not forgetting Belgium, should have: been granted the pri- ority for her devastated regions.
If any claim should have been deemed legi- timate and accepted by all without the slight- est hesitation, it was surely that one. But as it was, it was refused, Lloyd George obsti- nately denying that priority. With all the astuteness of the rhetorician whose art he possesses to such perfection, he even went so far as to find the most plausible arguments for explaining his refusal. Germany, he said, ought to be made to pay for the material destruction she had caused; but she must also be made to pay for the human destruction as well, that is, the pensions of the war widows and orphans of soldiers killed at the front. On what grounds should the former take pre- cedence of the latter? Was mortar more precious than blood? Germany must pay for the whole and there should be no privileged creditor amongst the Allies.
With such arguments as these did Lloyd George combat the French claims. Clemen- ceau committed the grave mistake of giving in to him again, on this point. He should at least have insisted and obtained that Ger- many’s first payments should go to the dev- astated regions; any money remaining over could then have been reserved for the pension funds. It must be remembered that at that time there was no question about Germany’s not paying the whole. It was a foregone con- clusion that she would naturally pay all, from the devastated regions to the pensions, and heaven knows what besides.
To sum matters up briefly, mistakes were made by France for which her statesmen, her Parliament and public opinion were partly responsible, but only partly. The greatest mistakes, and one should always remember that, were committed by the Allies—their re- fusal to allow France to guard the military frontier of the Rhine and take precedence where her devastated regions were concerned.
Now let us see what happened when it be- came necessary to apply a treaty that the French were not alone in compiling, but which had, to a great extent, been forced upon them. Throwing over the Wilsonian policy and reso- lutely turning her back upon it, America de- clared that she could not countenance the application of the Treaty.

Raymond Recouly
What was England’s attitude, or rather the attitude of Lloyd George, who, after the war, had become the all-powerful master of the British Empire, a dictator such as England had not known since the day of Cromwell? In the full heat of victory, Lloyd George forced the election cf a Parliament wholly de- voted to him. No sooner had he signed the Treaty of Versailles, which was immediately executed, in regard to England’s interests, German colonies, and the German fleet, than he became aware that the Treaty was in- applicable and impossible to execute as re- gards France’s interests. One cannot help questioning whether he was not fully aware of the fact even during the negotiations, or whether he really only arrived at that con- clusion afterward.
1 know Lloyd George personally; | have been an interested spectator of his career for the last seventeen years. With the keenest interest | have noted the gradual expansion and evolution of that curious personality. One of the chief features of his character is his permiability, if one may use such a word, to financial influence. One could quote many examples of it: here is a very conclusive one. From the very outset of the tragic week pre- ceding hostilities in July, 1914, Lloyd George had been an earnest partisan of England’s immediate intervention by France’s side. That attitude coincided with that of three years before in 1911, over the Agadir affair. Now just at that most critical point in the negotiations, when it was perhaps still possible to have maintained Peace, had England shown a more determined and threatening front to Germany, an important delegation of fi- nanciers from the city, headed by Lord X, one of the most prominent personages of the Brit- ish financial world, went to see Lloyd George, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer. Backing up their arguments by every possible means, they showed the Chancellor how very much it was to England’s interest not to in- tervene in the conflict in the event of hostili- ties breaking out, but on the contrary to wait and see and be content with marking the blows. Thus, according to him, while the other nations of Europe would be ruined, England would maintain all her prosperity. She would become Europe’s banker. Far from being in any way diminished, her eco- nomic situation would, on the contrary, be far more prosperous.


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The Ruhr, the Rhine, and Reparations
When one hears such arguments, one is astonished to see how short-sighted, how fool- ish, and to say the least of it, how stupid, sometimes, what is called a great financier can be! But Lloyd George was swayed by these arguments, becoming as violently op- posed to intervention, as he had previously been all in favor of it. He made that clear at the very next meeting of the British Cabinet, which then met twice a day. His influence being already very considerable, and the Cabi- net itself very divided over the matter, he was to a great extent responsible for the continua- tion of that attitude of expectancy and re- serve, that marked the British Government’s policy up to the very last moment, resulting in letting the Germans think that they could dare all, since England would not intervene.
| have the story from Paul Cambon, who was at the time French Ambassador in London, which answers for its veracity.
It was the influence of financiers, especially of the international ones, whose chief pre- occupation was the rapid economic recovery of Germany, and her non-payment of repara- tions, that largely influenced Lloyd George during the negotiations of the Treaty of Ver- sailles. To that influence may be attributed, to a_ certain extent, the bitter hostility al- most amounting to hatred, that he showed on every possible occasion toward Poland. ‘Theappointment of Lord d’ Abernon, formerly Sir Edgar Vincent, as British Ambassador to Berlin, can also be traced to that influence.
Abernon once at Berlin, the linking up of the great industries, German finance, and cer- tain English financiers, was a foregone con- clusion. Lloyd George became more and more convinced that England’s prosperity, the rapid solving of the unemployed question, were dependent upon Germany’s speedy re- covery. Hence, the stabilization of French finance, the reconstruction of the devastated regions became quite a secondary or even third rate consideration with him.
GERMAN CONCLUSIONS
& MAY easily be imagined, the Germans were not slow to perceive that. They were moreover, admirably informed of the Brit- ish Government’s intentions, by its representa- tive in Berlin. They concluded that, France being tied by the hands, they could, without risks, do with her as they liked. They made the most of that fact. Each time that France
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seemed to be exasperated, each time she threatened to resort to action, Lloyd George managed to restrain her. Germany in ex- change for the very marked concessions ac- corded her, the constant reduction of her debt, facilities for payment, made fresh prom- ises, Which shared the same fate as her pre- vious ones. They were never fulfilled.
As time went on, Germany was able to congratulate herself on her chances of eluding the promises wrung from her. The Treaty of Versailles was thus slowly rent limb from lib, until only the skeleton remained. Far- seeing people in France awoke gradually to that fact. France is not composed only of idiots. Each one of us knew that Germany’s possibilities of paying were becoming every day less. Each successive Conference spelt a further defeat, a further capitulation and sacrifice on our part.
Under these circumstances, what was to be done?
Should we continue thus, with the perspec- tive of bankruptcy becoming every day nearer? Or else, showing a determined front, seize Germany by the throat and compel her to carry out her promises?
The time had come when one or the other line of conduct had to be followed without any further shilly-shallying. The former had brought France nothing but the certainty of bankruptcy. The latter, on the other hand, held out some chance of success. It was to the latter that the country adhered, to a man. In acting as he did, Poincaré merely carried out the will of the whole nation.
Such is, roughly speaking, the feeling of the French people. But it is very important to show that, contrary to what many English think, the French are convinced that if Ger- many does not pay, it is not because she can- not, but she does not want to. Without having made a profound study of German fi- nance, nine tenths of the French see clearly a certain number of facts which show the ill will, the bad faith of Germany. To cite but one or two, the fact of the German Gov- ernment being in the hands of the great in- dustrial kings, who force it to do as they want; their failure to acquit the taxes they ought to pay, more particularly the famous coal rates.
The head-strong financial policy followed by the German Government, in constantly increasing its expenditures without in any way increasing its revenues.



The huge sums that ought in common jus- tice to have gone to the reparations fund that, without the slightest regard to expense, the German Government voluntarily squanders on the reconstruction of the whole of its economic system: the rebuilding of its fleet in the space of a few years, the remaking of canals, railways, telephone lines, etc.
The utter insufficiency of direct and par- ticularly indirect taxation in Germany, which is far lower than in France and England.
There is not a Frenchman living who is not perfectly well aware of all that. Every for- eigner, whether English, American, Dutch, or Spanish, must surely know it too.
Reduced to its simplest expression, the prob- lem is nothing like so formidable as it at first appears. It is easy to state thus: Who is re- sponsible for the terrible destructions wrought in France and Belgium during the war?
Is it France, or Germany, who ought to pay?
There can be but one reply to that question.
Everyone is agreed that Germany ought to be made to pay within possible limits. Now how can any sane person believe that the re- sources of that prosperous country have been drained to the end by the very small contri- butions in money and goods it has paid up to now? It is therefore an undisputed fact that she can pay more. As she showed every sign of never intending to pay, France had to resort to the only means in her power of mak- ing her: the use of force, the seizing of a wonderfully rich country, upon whose wealth the whole of Germany relies, to be held as a security.
To those who criticize her, who say: “That will do no good; the occupying of the Ruhr will bring you no substantial profits, but only means increased worry and expendi- ture; the Germans will not pay you any more than before,” the French need only reply,“ We shall see. Let us first of all give the thing a trial. We have been forced to try the ex- periment. The interests we have on hand are far too tremendous for us to relinquish what we hold. We are absolutely certain that the occupation of the Ruhr gives us the whip hand over Germany, and affords us a means of bringing pressure to bear, that will finally oblige her to pay.”
Such are the profound reasons of the oc- cupation of the Ruhr. Such was the public state of mind that rendered that occupation necessary.
Raymond Recouly
As regards the military method of the operation, and the manner in which it was carried out by. the French Staff, the whole world is agreed that nothing could have been more ably handled.
Reverse matters and suppose for a moment that a German army should have had to carry out a similar operation in France or Belgium; that it had met with the opposition of the French or Belgian officials. It is highly prob- able, not to say certain, that it would have im- mediately resorted to violent methods of re- pression. It would have brought rifles and machine guns into play, and its victims could have been counted by hundreds!
ECONOMIC MISTAKES
F THE operation, viewed from a military point of view, may be considered faultless, the same cannot be said from an economic one. It cannot be denied that in that respect things had been insufficiently prepared, and mis- takes made. The French Information Ser- vices were far from being up to the mark.
An army of engineers had been sent out at the same time as the troops, and they believed they had only to appear at Essen for the Ger- man manufacturers to open wide their fac- tories, even their safes, immediately obey their requisition orders, and deliver up the amount of coal demanded.
To have seriously believed that, for one moment, shows a certain simple-mindedness on the part of these engineers, the German industrials being in fact the all-powerful masters of Germany. They are fully aware that if Germany is forced to pay for repara- tions, the burden will fall heavily upon them, for it is they who will have to make the first payments, as they are the only people in the country possessing wealth. They have paid next to nothing up to now, and although the fall in the mark has ruined part of Germany, it has on the contrary enriched them, al- lowing them to double their exportations, and accumulate abroad, thanks to the sale of their produce in Holland, Scandinavia, England, and America, huge credits to their accounts in foreign money. They have but one wish: namely, for things to go on as they are, and to pay nothing.
Mr. Cuno’s government is entirely in their hands. They pull the strings, and the puppets obey. Docile to their orders, the Berlin Gov- ernment advised violent resistance, which at



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The Ruhr, the Rhine, and Reparations 153
times almost assumed the aspect of real war- fare.
Berlin’s warlike instructions proauced less effect upon the working population, especially amongst the miners, the majority of whom refused to go on strike, and continued working.
The French were obliged, owing to the at- titude of the German Government, to modify somewhat their mode of procedure. There was no longer any question of collaboration between the French and German authorities, and it became necessary to dismiss the more rebellious of the functionaries, to tighten the strings generally, bringing more pressure to bear by isolating the Ruhr district, and for- bidding the exportation of coal and manu- factured goods; above all by taking over the management of the railways.
FRANCE’S OBJECTS
HEN France decided upon the occupa-
tion of the Ruhr she had two objects in view: firstly, the exploitation of that region, which is one of the richest parts of the world, so as to draw from it some revenues for her reparations budget.
Secondly, as a means of energetic pressure over the German Government, so as to force it to give in and pay.
It was impossible to realize the first of these two objects, at least at the beginning, without the collaboration of French and Germans. As that hoped-for collaboration utterly failed, other means of pressure had to be employed.
But, as things progressed by mere force of circumstances, the French found themselves obliged to try and exploit by themselves, and for their own benefit, the riches of the Ruhr, more especially the coal mines.
The amount of coal that, according to the Treaty of Versailles, the Germans ought to deliver to France, and which they have failed to deliver for some months past, represents a heavy loss. It has made itself felt more par- ticularly in the metallurgical factories in the eastern provinces and Lorraine, causing an almost complete cessation of work. For these establishments are dependant on the Ruhr for the coke they require, and which it is practically impossible for them to procure elsewhere. The French were thus compelled to seize the coke in the mines and send it to Belgium and France.
Their chief efforts were turned toward the railways. That is where they met with
the most violent resistance. The Ruhr dis- trict is particularly rich in railways which cross and recross each other, forming an al- most inextricable puzzle. It became neces- sary to unravel the skein, thread by thread so to speak, which was no easy task. The Germans, as was to be expected, did all in their power to make it still more difficult. They damaged the switches and tampered with the signals, rendered the engines use- less, etc., etc.
In the face of this resistance the French brought over some 10,000 railway men from France, who under able chiefs valiantly set to work to repair all. Up to the present time the results obtained have been satisfactory.
There is no doubt that Germany is a very remarkable country, but she has one great defect, that of underestimating the value of her enemies, whether French, English, or American. She always looks upon them as much weaker or much more stupid than they really are!
The war has failed to cure them of this defect. For scarcely had the French entered the Ruhr, than those at the head in Berlin were convinced that they would never be able to extricate themselves from the thousand difficulties that were constantly cropping up in their path; that they would be incapable of working the railways, telegraph and postal services, etc. The German Government’s open resistance sprang from no other cause. That same government likewise felt quite sure that England and America would either directly or indirectly intervene on their be- half. All those hopes have been disappointed.
With the growth of the German opposition, the French were forced to retaliate to prevent its assuming still greater proportions. It was like a duel in which each rival strives to deal heavier blows each time. The taking over of the railways in the Rhineland and the Ruhr by a combined Franco-Belgian administra- tion, constitutes one of the most forcible and efficacious acts the French Government has yet taken.
These railways represent about 9 per cent. of the total of the German railroads. The ratio of cost for their exploitation, as com- pared with the rest of the German railways amounts to about 18 per cent. If one con- siders the freight traffic, the proportion would be still higher, namely, 36 per cent. The passenger traffic is about the same.



154
Raymond
One cannot study these figures too atten- tively, for they are most significant. Above all, one should note their progressive augmen- tation.
To sum it up, the Westphalian-Rhenish rail- ways account, as far as the traffic is concerned, for more than a third of the total of the German railways. Now, before the war, these rail- ways produced about a billion gold marks profit, representing 5 per cent. interest on the estimated capital. The combined railways of the Rhineland and Ruhr districts ought there- fore to yield an annual profit of about 400 million gold marks if a competent and well organized administration reduced the ex- penditure by dismissing a certain number of useless workers, increasing on the other hand its receipts by raising the railway fares for both freight and passenger trains.
The German Government’s policy since the Armistice has been to increase the deficit of its railway companies to an astounding de- gree. It acted thus from double motives of weakness and bad faith. In spite of having lost Alsace, Lorraine, and Upper Silesia, it sought to pander to the Socialists by increas- ing by about 4o per cent. the number of rail- waymen already employed. Above all, it aimed at showing that the railways, instead of yielding profits were costing money, so as to prevent the Allies from desiring to seize them as securities. Consequently, traveling rates, in spite of the fall of the mark, were ridiculously low.
Now, if the Rhenish railway is properly run, it might yield certain profits—three or four hundred million gold marks—which would help toward floating a loan whose proceeds could go to the reparations fund.
Having thus organized the railways, with a Franco-Belgian Staff at the head, and more and more Rhenish workmen, the French have turned their attention toward organizing the coal transportation, especially coke. The problem, though difficult, is not impossible.
II]
UCH is the brief outline of the measures that France has had to take since her troops entered the Ruhr. This policy was adopted from a double point of view: the ex- ploiting of the Westphalian-Rhenish security: and as a means of pressure to force Germany to capitulate and accept a reasonable settle- ment of the reparations question.
Recouly
The occupation of the Ruhr is only a means to an end: it is not an end in itself. There is not a single far-sighted Frenchman who for a moment thinks of annexing this country. As soon as the two vital questions unfortu- nately left unsolved by the Treaty of Ver- sailles shall have been settled, the French troops will evacuate the Ruhr, and French public opinion will heartily rejoice at their departure.
What are those two vital questions? or, in other words, what are the two great results France is hoping to derive from her occupa- tion of the Ruhr?
France has now the right and duty to settle with Germany, first the reparations question, second, the question of her own se- curity.
Let us examine the aspect of the repara- tions problem, at the beginning of the year 1923.
The grcat majority of French people are inclined to treat the matter with a certain moderation from a pure business point of view, taking into account among other im- portant events the fall of the mark. In 1921 the Conference of London had drawn up a list of the payments to be effected by
Germany. But that list is not absolutely unchangeable. It is open to some modifica- tions.
In other words, the French are quite will- ing to discuss matters with the Germans, pro- vided the latter put forth an acceptable proposition.
Let us now examine Germany’s possibili- ties of paying at the present time.
First of all, there are the payments in kind, especially coal. It must be remembered that it is chiefly through Germany’s failure to fulfill her promises about the deliveries in coal, that the occupation of the Ruhr was decided upon.
Germany is very rich in coal. France, partly through the former’s fault, is very badly off. The war, by the wanton destruc- tion of the French mines by the German armies, and the acquisition of the metal- lurgical industries of Lorraine, has consider- ably increased her deficit in combustibles, more especially in coke. France, in that re- spect, is in a really critical position.
She was, of course, obliged to re-annex the Lorraine provinces which were originally French. Now, the Germans, so as to utilize

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The Ruhr, the Rhine, and Reparations 155
the iron mines of Lorraine which are in great abundance, had, especially during the last twenty years, built great numbers of im- mense factories exclusively worked by coke from the Ruhr.
France having now become the possessor of these factories, after having previously bought out the German interests, thus finds herself at the head of a vast iron trade. Instead of the 5 million tons of pig-iron she produced before the war she now produces 11 million tons, or more than double the quantity.
Now, the consumption of pig-iron in France before the war was 4,500,000 tons; it might be increased another 1,500,000 tons, thus reaching 6 million tons, which according to all experts, would be the maximum.
There remain 5 million tons that France is absolutely obliged to export. But she can only sell it abroad and find buyers on the world’s market on condition she is able to produce it very cheaply, which implies that she must obtain the coke necessary for its production, amounting to some 13 million tons, at a very cheap rate. Now, France can count on extracting 6 millions of that coke at home. She therefore lacks 7 millions that she can obtain only from Germany, that is to say, from the Ruhr.
THE OUTCOME OF A COAL SHORTAGE
UCH is, briefly speaking, the situation of the French factories in Lorraine. Should those factories be unable to count on getting the 7 million tons of coke necessary to their working, there is only one thing for them to do, namely, to shut down. If they shut down it means thousands of workmen being thrown out of work, the failure of powerful industrial organizations, bringing in its wake all sorts of social and economic disaster.
Those responsible for the Treaty of Ver- sailles made but inadequate provision for the settling of that very grave question. Whether in dealing with reparations or the question of France’s security, the least that can be said is that those responsible seemed bent on adopt- ing temporary and half measures, instead of clear and definite solutions. Instead of settling those difficulties once and for all, they seemed to have but one idea, to post- pone them.
The deliveries in German coke were made in very insufficient quantities and for too
short a period. The French negotiators were the victims of a popular belief current at the time, namely, that France, disposing of enor- mous quantities of iron ore, would be able to exchange it against German coke from the Ruhr.
That was a most fatal mistake. Iron can be found almost anywhere. Germany can get it from other countries besides France— from Sweden, from Spain. That is precisely what she has done since the occupation of the Ruhr.
On the other hand few countries possess coal. If the French manufacturers do not find any in the Ruhr, it will be almost im- possible for them to procure it elsewhere at reasonable prices.
One might borrow the English saying ap- plied to the buyer and seller, and say, “Ore is the slave, and coal the king.”
These deliveries in coke from the Ruhr can and ought to help Germany acquit part of her debt toward France.
The Germans cannot plead penury in that respect, and pretend they have no coke. They have such quantities of it that they don’t know what to do with it. For years they have been in the habit of selling it to the Lorraine factories. Instead of selling it now, they will have to give it. That is just where the shoe pinches.
When they are asked for money they say they have none. When they are asked for coal, which they possess in great abundance, they say: “We are quite willing to sell it, but we refuse to give it.” It is to cure them of that lack of straight dealing amounting to dishonesty that the Ruhr has been taken over.
Apart from the deliveries in coal, the reve- nues of the Westphalian-Rhenish railways can supply an annual contribution toward an im- portant loan. So will the taxation on coal, manufactured goods, etc.
When people say that Germany is poor and cannot pay anything, they are entirely wrong. Germany’s tremendous economic system, her natural riches, her prolific working classes, represent considerable sources of national wealth.
How can one then pretend that a country with more than 60 million inhabitants, that the war has completely spared, whose export trade is enormous, who since the war, has found the means of reconstructing a formid- able merchant fleet, cannot contribute to the


156
reconstruction of the provinces her armies wantonly destroyed, when her neighbor, France, with its 40 million inhabitants, whose richest provinces have been wrecked, possess- ing but little coal but small industries, should be obliged from its own feeble resources to bear the huge burden of that reconstruction? If it were so, it would be France who would become bankrupt, and Germany, who, in a few years, would be in a most enviable situa- tion.
IV
O HER the question of France’s security is quite as important as, if not more so than that of reparations.
For of what use would it be to France to receive all the money from Germany that she has the right to expect, for the restoring of her shattered provinces in the east, if her frontiers remain vulnerable, if in ten, twenty, or thirty years a new war is destined to ravage her population and lay waste her land? As long as this all-imporant question shall not have received the final, and not merely pro- visional, solution it merits, there cannot be any talk of a real peace between France and Germany and hence in Europe.
The actual Franco-German crisis provoked by the unavoidable occupation of the Ruhr, must see the solving of that problem. The matter of our security cannot under any cir- cumstances be relegated to the background.
The Treaty of Versailles, unfortunately, took no steps to settle that point. It needs re- discussing, not only with the Germans, but also with the Allies. The guarantee pact having fallen through, what was promised France never having been given her, it is her manifest right and duty to demand com- pensation.
No one can dispute her right to do so. Now, how is it possible to ensure her safety beside a country like Germany, that is far more densely populated and enjoys a formid- able economic position—a country easily led when those at the head shall preach violence and revenge? Such is the problem confront- ing France to-day. None other is as tragic. Nothing is to be gained by shirking, still less by ignoring it. If the French fail to settle the matter now, they are lost.
| was talking it over with Marshall Foch the other day. Nobody can deny that Foch is upon all these matters the greatest living
Raymond Recouly
authority. His opinion has never wavered over what should be done. It is essential to publish it abroad again to-day, for it can never be too often repeated.
France, according to the Marshal, cannot in any way stake her own security upon the fact of Germany’s disarmament, whether real or fictitious. Her neighbor’s weakness, even supposing it to exist, would not in any way contribute to her own strength.
Any security based on such a foundation would be purely illusion.
The only real guarantee for France and Belgium, to prevent Germany from attacking them, or if attacked, affording them a safe means of self-defence, is to hold militarily the banks of the Rhine. It is the only safe- guard they possess. The Rhine can, more- over, be guarded by very small contingents, provided, naturally, that the Rhineland be de-prussianized, if one may use such a term, so as to prevent Prussian agents, or orders from Berlin, from inciting the inhabitants to attack the troops in occupation. In the event of war breaking out, victory would go to the one who would be the first to seize the passages of the Rhine. So as to be sure of being the first, common prudence dictates that France should hold them.
Such is, in a few words, Foch’s plain opinion.
Such are the military and technical argu- ments that France must bring forward promi- nently! Having stated these arguments— they ought to be the watch-word of every Frenchman—it behooves the statesmen, poli- ticians, and diplomats to look for and find the necessary solution. That solution is not im- possible to find. One might propose, for instance, the neutralization of the Rhineland, under perhaps the control of an international body.
Reparations and security, such are the two foremost questions that the future negotiators will have to discuss, keeping within the limits of the Treaty of Versailles, no doubt, but with the firm determination to transform into definite measures what the Treaty has only half solved.
It is by no means an easy task. But it is absolutely necessary for it to be tackled, and brought to a satisfactory and durable solu- tion. If France makes a mistake this time, she will not be able to lay the blame on her English or American allies. She will only have herself to thank for it.


WHY THE MIDDLE WEST WENT RADICAL I
Reasons Back of the Sudden Shift to Radicalism in the Missouri Valley. How the Farm Bloc Has Grown in Strength. The Breaking of Political Lines. La Folletism in Wisconsin. Radicalism in Minnesota, lowa, Kansas, and Ne- braska. The Political Situation in North Dakota, Where the Movement Began
By CHESTER H. ROWELL
Tbe author of this article, Chester H. Rowell, is one of the best-known newspapermen of the Pacific Coast. When he sold the Fresno Republican, three years ago, he had made that paper, in an inland city of California, a powerful organ of public opinion throughout the state, and himself a leader in the national councils of the Republican party. He had been chairman of the Republican State Convention of California, a member of the National Committee of the Republican party, and a founder of the Progressive party. Since that time he has been a member of the United States Ship- ping Board and of the California State Railroad Commission. Throughout his youth and young manbood, his father was a member of Congress from Illinois, and in that period he made the close personal acquaintance of all the leading Representatives and Senators of the period of Senators Blaine, Hoar, Vest, and Morgan. In other words, politics has been a lifelong study under the most favorable conditions.
Along with this active experience of politics has gone an unusual development as a scholar. Educated at the universities of Michigan, Halle, Berlin, Paris, and Rome, be acquired a reading knowledge of thirteen languages, a speaking knowledge of seven, and sufficient fluency to make political speeches in four. His university studies equipped him to practise either law or medicine, but he chose a newspaper career and achieved distinction as an editor, and was for several years a director of the Associated Press. He is also a Regent of the University of California. To many thousands of Westerners and to many hundreds of political leaders of the East, he is known as one of the most versatile and sagacious minds in public life—Tue Epirors.
HEN Charles E. Hughes, Republican candidate for President, was about start- ing on his ill-fated tour to the Pacific Coast, in 1916, a meeting of the national advisory committee was held in Chicago to discuss the risks of The voice of the Eternal Yesterday is still the trip. Raymond Robins, representing the potent in politics, but no longer exclusively moderns, pointed out that the region into so. The very organization, for instance, which the campaign was thus being launched which ignored the warnings of the progressive unprepared was the one which was likely to Far West in 1916 is now acutely interested in
tion of the once-true slogan: “If we carry” and the rest. The Ewig-Gestrigen could not adjust themselves to the present tense. So the trip was taken—with results which perhaps determined the whole future course of mankind.
prove decisive of the whole result. “Oh, no,” droned a slow voice speaking from the Old Guard. “If we carry New York, Ohio, and Indiana, we will win the election.” “That was true once,” said Robins, “ but it is no longer so”—and explained the changed conditions. But to all his explaining he could get no response except the automatic repeti-
the new political focal point of the radical Middle Northwest, where last year’s agrarian uprising has already given the balance of power in Congress to this formerly negligible section. The eyes of every political strategist are now turned on these states, radiating from North Dakota, where the embattled farmers have upset all calculations.

158
For these farmers have done really startling things. They have not merely elected a lot of new Senators who flout the ancient fetiches. They have abolished the party system in two states; they have extinguished the Demo- cratic party in one state and made it negligible in another; they have absorbed the Republi- can party into its radical faction in some states and defeated it in others, sometimes with Democratic and sometimes with third-party candidates. They have tried some weird governmental experiments and proposed oth- ers, and have scared even their conservative opponents into trying to forestall them with another radicalism of their own. And they now threaten to substitute bloc for party gov- ernment in Congress. Their five most radical Senators, even without any help from the milder progressives, are now able to swing the balance between Republican and Demo- cratic control in the Senate, and they stand notoriously ready to use this power. It is mathematically possible—almost probable— that they may wield the same balance of power in the popular and electoral vote of 1924. A small minority in the Senate, and certainly nowhere near a majority of the whole people, they can win no elections, but by their present tactics they may easily control them.
For these reasons a study of conditions in this group of states is certainly interesting and may prove illuminating. The story is much too long for one article, and the present instalment must be confined mostly to general considerations. It is hoped to follow it with more particular accounts of the concrete hap- penings in individual states.
The states concerned are primarily North Dakota, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Nebraska, lowa, and, perhaps, Kansas, with some rami- fications into Idaho, Montana, Colorado, and South Dakota. In these states, in 1922, the political reaction of that year culminated. Measured in terms of the old politics the re- sult was confused. In Wisconsin and lowa the victory was formally Republican; in Kansas, Democratic; in Nebraska, both Re- publican and Democratic, and in Minnesota and North Dakota neither Republican nor Democratic. But the real contest in every case was between Radicals and Conservatives, with the old parties merely tools or shibbo- leths. Even North Dakota, which had re- called its radical governor, Lynn J. Frazier, only the year before, in 1921, now defeated its
Chester H. Rowell
veteran Senator, Porter J. McCumber, for twenty-four years a Senate leader, who had just attained to the all-powerful chairmanship of the Senate Finance Committee, and elected in his place the very man whom it had just ejected from the governorship. In Wiscon- sin Senator Robert M. LaFollette, at the close of the term during which he had narrowly es- caped expulsion from the Senate and had been publicly repudiated by his former supporters in the State University faculty and else- where, was now triumphantly reélected and carried with him his candidate for governor, John J. Blaine, and nearly the entire state government. In Minnesota, Senator Frank B. Kellogg, famous as “Roosevelt’s trust- buster,” great lawyer and outstanding Sen- ator, was defeated by Hendrick Shipstead, a dentist hitherto unknown outside of the state, running on a Farmer-Labor third- party ticket. In these two states the Demo- cratic party disappeared, in Wisconsin ab- solutely, and in Minnesota—in spite of the winning personality of its candidate, Mrs. Ole Olson—substantially. In lowa, Senator Brookhart, “cowhide radical’’ distanced the whole field of conservatives and progressives and stamped his famous boots to the Senate floor. In Nebraska R. B. Howell, Radical Republican, succeeded Gilbert M. Hitchcock, Conservative Democrat, in the Senate, and “Brother Charles” Bryan, radical Democrat, succeeded S. R. McKelvie, conservative Re- publican, as Governor. In Kansas there was no Senatorial election, but Jonathan M. Davis, Radical Farmer Democrat, succeeded Henry J. Allen, Republican, of industrial court fame, as Governor. Significant radical votes were also cast in South Dakota, Idaho, Washington, and Montana, but without pro- ducing any direct political transformation.
THE PRIMARY LAW-IN WISCONSIN
OTHING is more interesting to the stu- dent of the mechanics of government than the effect of the varying electoral tools with which this radical reaction had to work, in the different states, in the political form of the reaction itself.
In Wisconsin the combination of a unique personality with a primary law deliberately calculated to that end has resulted in the ex- tinction not only of the Democratic party, but of the party system itself. There is only one party in Wisconsin, and that is not a


Middle West Went Radical

WHY WHEAT FARMERS OFTEN TURN RADICAL When this beautiful wheat farm is working at its best it may turn out a wonderful crop, which in turn may lose
the farmer money because of conditions over which he has no control. farmer has between crops, give him both something to think about and the time to think. is wrong, and is affected by the radical beliefs of the transient laborers who help him with his work.
political condition that originated in North Dakota and has spread over the Middle West
party, though it has succeeded to the Re- publican name and organization. The Demo- cratic party is legally as well as practically dead, not having received enough votes to qualify for a place in the ballot. Even the Socialist party obtained a special dispensation from its national organization to reverse all Socialist precedent and form a partial merger with LaFollette Republicanism. The Non- Partisan League has members and an office in Wisconsin, but as a political force it is merged indistinguishably in La Follettism. The Regular Republicans form, in unison with the Regular Democrats, a vociferous faction or bloc, but they accept defeat in the primary and have not ventured to form a fu- sion third party. All political streams, as soon as they reach Wisconsin, are lost in the LaFollette ocean. In any sense which would be understood as such elsewhere, there are no parties in Wisconsin.
This situation is due, of course, largely to the overshadowing personality of Robert M. LaFollette, but it is also a by-product of the primary law which he devised. In Wisconsin
This fact, and the ample spare time the wheat He realizes that something The result is the
all offices, state and local, are legally partisan, with the exception of county offices in Mil-
waukee County. Nominations for them are made at party primaries. But there are no party requirements for voting at those pri- maries. The only limit is on the candidate; not on the voter. A candidate may run for the nomination of only one party, but this need not be his own. If a Democrat, there- fore, aspires to be sheriff of a Republican county, he runs for the Republican nomina- tion, and all his Democratic friends vote in the Republican primary to give him that nomination. Instances are given of candi- dates campaigning their districts for the Dem- ocratic nominee for President while themselves running for the Republican nomination to the legislature. On the voter, on the other hand, there is no restriction at all. Any voter may vote secretly in the primary of any party. The consequence is, of course, that nearly all the votes are cast in the Republican pri- mary, where the principal contests are. Other nominations, if made, are perfunctory. The Radical and Conservative blocs fight it out


Chester H. Rowell


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WHY THE WHEAT FARMER HAS TIME—
Few crops require so little labor to raise as wheat.
“Drills” such as this seed many acres a
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in the Republican primary, with Democratic and Socialist votes as weapons, and whoever wins the nomination thereby acquires the sacred zgis of Republican “regularity.” Ac- tually, of course, it means that Wisconsin has abolished parties by the very law which makes all offices partisan.
In Minnesota, besides the absence of an
overshadowing, personality, there was also a different primary law. Nearly all Minne- sota offices, including members of the legis-
lature, are non-partisan. Party nominations are made only for Governor, Senator, and Representative in Congress. Party require- ments, to vote for these party nominations, are somewhat stricter on the voter and much stricter on the candidate than in Wisconsin. Not only may the candidate run for the nomination of only one party, but it must be his own party, and he must take an iron-clad oath that he voted for a majority of its candi- dates at the last election. This requirement shut out some aspirants for Republican nomi- nations to Congress in 1914 who had been party Progressives in 1912. In still further effort to tighten party lines on the candidates, the Minnesota Old Guard, in 1918, procured the adoption of a law authorizing pre-primary indorsing conventions. The scheme of course defeated itself. The radical Non-Partisan League group, who had been functioning under the pure direct primary as a faction of the Republican party, promptly left the party when they found a pre-primary convention
packed against them, and started a third party of their own. It was really the Non- Partisan League, but it adopted the name of the Farmer-Labor party, which had qualified at the previous election for a place on the ballot. In the election the Democrats were distanced, and disappeared as an appreciable factor in Minnesota. The new Radical party won the Senatorship and, even with a weak candidate, barely lost the governorship, while the Republican party took second place. So, one sort of a primary law, plus a dominant personality, abolished the Democratic party in Wisconsin and absorbed: the Republican party into its radical wing, while another sort of a primary law, minus that personality, also eliminated the Democratic party in Minne- sota, but substituted for it a new Radical party, which became the dominant power. Nebraska was the best illustration of the Non-Partisan League’s policy of “boring in” to both old parties. The result was the election of a Radical Republican as Senator and a Radical Democrat as Governor, both with the indorsement of the League, though neither was its direct product. Ever since 1906, in spite of the Bryan-Hitchcock feud, there has been a real Democratic party in Ne- braska, sometimes victorious and the rest of the time a strong minority. The state has a real direct primary law, with the party re- quirements on the voter rather than on the candidate. As elsewhere, this had tended to keep both parties alive, though in Nebraska

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Why the Middle
West Went Radical


—TO THINK ABOUT HIS TROUBLES
—which cuts it and binds it into bundles almost as rapidly asit is planted. A few days later a threshing out- fit moves in and in surprisingly short time great stacks of straw are piled up and the wheat is in an elevator
it also enables the radical “borers in” to cap- ture both.
Kansas, still further from the centre of dis- turbance, comes also nearer to the traditional use of party machinery. There was no Sena- torial election in 1922, but in the election for Governor the dissatisfied voters simply voted the Democratic ticket, in a usually Republican state. Under the Kansas primary law also the partisan requirements are on the voter rather than on the candidate, and the nomi- nations for most offices are made at party primaries. The Republican and Democratic parties are the established channels of po- litical activity, for state and local as well as for national purposes, and while there is much Radicalism in this traditional home of Popu- lism, and the Non-Partisan League has a considerable membership and a much larger influence, there is no tendency toward a third party.
In Iowa also the party traditionalist is on familiar ground. Here, too, he has the Re- publican and Democratic parties to deal with, and it is the habit of the people, when they are dissatisfied with one of these parties to vote for the other—all but the Conservatives, who vote the Republican ticket straight, even when it is radical. In lowa, too, an attempt to manipulate the primary mechanism to pre- serve party regularity defeated its purpose. lowa has a “35 per cent. law,” under which if no candidate at a party primary receives 35 per cent. of all the votes cast, there is no nomi-
nation and the choice is made by a party convention. In the hope, therefore, of throw- ing the nomination into the convention, which they were confident they could control, the Old Guard promoted a whole field of candi- dates, including one outstanding progressive, to divide the vote. The effect, instead, was to concentrate the whole protest vote on the radical candidate, Smith Brookhart, who re- ceived 40 per cent. of all the votes and was nominated. Then the old forces of party reg- ularity came into operation. With every candidate, from Governor down, interested in the “straight ticket’’ tradition, they all had to pretend to be for Brookhart and he was elected by the resultant combination of his own radicals with the automatic Repub- lican vote.
Returning now from these relatively orthodox outlying states to North Da- kota, the original centre of the whole distur- bance, we find again a situation in which the party system, though not yet extinct, has become meaningless, and is in process of abo- lition by formal law. The paradox is that it is the non-partisans who insist on preserving the party system, while the demand for non- partisanship comes from the party regulars of the old school, who insist that the only way to keep the parties alive is to abolish them.
The present primary law in North Dakota is completely partisan. Nominations for all offices, state and county, are made at party


162

Chester H. Rowell


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THE HARBOR AT LIVERPOOL
As Manchester has its effect on the price of cotton, so Liverpool has its effect on the price of wheat. mand for American wheat there results in an increased price, which results in turn in higher prices for wheat in America,
even though 85 per cent. of our output is for home consumption. price that buyers are willing to pay in Liverpool, which, in turn, lowers prices in America.
An increased de-
A lessened demand, on the contrary, lowers the Many other factors, no
one of which acts alone, affect wheat prices, of course, but the influence of Liverpool is an important one
primaries, and voters in the primary of any party are required to be members of that party. Actually this is a false pretense. On state issues North Dakota voters are not Republicans or Democrats. They are “Lea- gue”’ or “Association” supporters—that is, adherents of the Non-Partisan League or of the Independent Voters’ Association. The League has made most of its fights in the Republican primaries. The “I.V.A.,” if de- feated in the Republican primaries, officially indorses the Democratic nominees, but it has found party tradition too strong to deliver the main body of its voters to candidates labeled “Democratic.” So it is now proposed to abolish party nominations, except for national offices. “We have actually been afraid to let national issues be discussed in this state,” said an Association leader. “We kept Re- publican national speakers out of the state in 1920, and the Democrats hurried Cox, their candidate for President, across the line to get rid of him. State issues are so acute that we can have no national parties except by separ- ating the state elé@tion from them. On the
one occasion when we were able to draw the state issue with only two sides to it—the re- call election of -1921—the Conservatives won. We think we can win again, in a contest purely on state lines. If not—God help us! But when that issue is confused by the national parties, both of which are on both sides of it, the radicals can “bore in’ and win one primary or the other, and then elect their nominee. That is why we, as loyal party men, want non-party nominations, while the non-partisans seek to retain the parties, to use them to their own destruction.”
This, then, is the mechanical side of the re- volt in this group of states—the tools it works with. Given the Republican and Democratic parties and a third party, and two sorts of primary election laws, we have an actual example of each of the fermentations arithmet- ically possible from these elements.
But there was, of course, a much deeper economic situation, or no such movement would have been possible. This is the region unpolitically described as the “stomach of America.”” The population is predomin-




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a
ER ERT REET

Why the Middle West Went Radical 163
antly rural, and it raises wheat, corn, and hogs. The pioneers reclaimed the soil from the vir- gin prairie. Their successors capitalized themselves from the “unearned increment.” Now the present generation must look for a return on both its investment and its labor to the annual product of the farms. Up to the beginning of the war, the economic position of the farmers, as measured,by that of persons engaged in business and industry, had been gradually improving, and during the war it improved very rapidly, both relatively and absolutely. After the close of hostilities the upward trend of prices continued with unexpected speed. Part of this was inflation, part psychology, and part European demand, supported by American credits.
Suddenly, in August, 1920, the whole struc- ture collapsed. American advances in Europe were exhausted and Europe could no longer buy. The Federal Reserve System, which had postponed raising its discount rate per- haps too long, in order to sustain the Victory loans, deflated credits rapidly instead of gradually. A “consumers’ strike” and the cancellation of orders took the place of a frantic buying market. Credits “froze,” prices fell, business stagnated, and unemploy- ment increased. The condition was general, but it hit the farmers quickest and hardest. There was an almost instantaneous vertical drop in the price of the staple farm product, without any corresponding decrease in the cost of production or the things the farmers had to buy. - When wheat was at its lowest, it had been produced with harvest hands still at $7 a day and tractors and harvesting ma- chinery at almost war prices. The farmer’s dollar had a purchasing power perhaps two thirds of that of the workingman or merchant. The crop of 1920 was sold at less than the cost of production. Banks curtailed credits, and “ passed the buck”’ to the alleged orders of the Federal Reserve Board. And, by a fatal coincidence, the vertical increase in freight rates coincided almost to a day with the ver- tical drop in the price of farm products. These products being cheap and bulky and marketed at long distances, freight rates are a larger proportionate factor in their marketing than is the case with finished manufactured pro- ducts. Also, the farmer pays the freight both ways. He pays “Pittsburgh plus” for his steel, and gets Minneapolis or Chicago minus for his grain and livestock.
To the farmers it appeared that. they were being discriminated against, not by the operation of natural laws, but by the un- fairness of government. During the war the price of grain had been stabilized, they thought downward, by government guar- antee, but now when the slump came, every- body seemed to be getting guarantees except the farmer. The increase in freight rates, just when prices collapsed, was under the alleged “guarantee clause” of the Esch- Cummins Transportation Act. The Govern- ment was standing the loss on ocean shipping, and the Administration was advocating a ship subsidy to aid private ship owners. The Federal Reserve Bank deflation seemed to be for the benefit of bankers and of Eastern financial centres, at the expense of the coun- try. Curiously enough, the tariff subsidy to manufacturers aroused less active opposition. Perhaps the reaction to that is not yet due. Taxes were still at a war level, while the money to pay them was nearly unobtainable. All these were governmental policies, not economic forces, and the farmer turned his resentment toward the Government for them.
Actually, no doubt, the major forces were economic and inevitable. In the first place, even these governmental acts were not ac- curately described by the farmers’ half- truths. The Esch-Cummins Law does not guarantee profits, and a ship subsidy would indirectly subsidize the farmers also. Statis- tically, the deflation of bank credits was less in the country than in the cities, and very little of the less liberal policy of country banks was attributable to the Federal Reserve. “In time of stringency, lend sufficiently, but at high rates’’ was a maxim better understood in the financial centres than in the small Western towns. Not much of the discrimina- tion against the farmers was due to anybody’s malice. But African savages are not alone in the human instinct to seek a personal witch as the author of natural calamities. And it is not in medicine alone that we prefer the quack with his ready nostrum for what we think ails us to the physician with his patient diagnosis and expectant reliance on the re- cuperation of Nature.
HOW DEPRESSION AFFECTS THE FARMER
NY economic depression tends to cumu- late disproportionately on the farmer. When demand slacks, the manufacturer cur-


, Chester H. Rowell


FEW DAIRYMEN

ARE RADICAL
The average dairyman rises at a very early hour, busies himself continuously until bedtime, and keeps up his work
all the year through.
He has little time to think about his troubles and less to think about politics.
Consequently,
he is seldom a radical
tails production, thus bringing supply and demand nearer together. The farmer’s full crop is already produced. General unem- ployment lowers the purchasing power of his consumers, which in turn lowers his own and produces still more industrial unemployment. So the vicious circle repeats itself, with the farmer the cumulative victim, the only one unable to check the collapse of prices by decreased production. Governmental poli- cies did not produce this law of prices, and can not prevent its operation.
But the politicians at least were not in a position to preach this hard doctrine to the farmers. Those who for two generations had sung hymns to Holy Tariff for the virgin soil of the Dakotas and the widening maw of in- dustrial Europe would need a more than Hearstian agility suddenly to begin explaining how little power after all the political law- makers have over the operation of natural law.
With of course many individual exceptions, the farmers generally had accumulated tragic- ally little reserve in the fat years to carry them over the lean years. The chief cause of this was speculation. As soon as it was
known that the farmers had money, a swarm of swindlers pounced down on them, to sell them shares in Blue Sky, Unlimited. It is estimated that they took $200,000,000 away from lowa alone. Nebraska estimates its contribution at $100,000,000. Some of these schemes were distant oil stocks and others were local promotions. Next in importance was land speculation. Under the stimulus of war prices and of currency and credit in- flation, farm lands were boomed up to im- possible paper valuations. Farmers and local bankers alike bought up lands at these extravagant prices, paying ‘very little down and mortgaging their previous holdings for the rest. Imprudent investments in excessive farm improvements and in personal luxuries, at war prices, completed the evil and left the whole region with no adequate reserve to face the period of deflation.
The peak of the economic crisis was in 1920, but its full political consequences did not develop until 1922. This was doubtless due
in part to the natural lag between cause and effect, but it was also due to the general causes of the Harding landslide of 1920. Na- tionally, the protest vote went Republican







Why the Middle West Went Radical 165
that year, because the incumbent administra- tion was Democratic, while it went Democra- tic or Insurgent in 1922 for the obverse reason. The Harding wave carried in local Republican candidates even when they were Conservative and misrepresentative of local sentiment.
By 1922 the full reaction was on. Agricul- tural conditions were improving, but were still bad. The promised “normalcy” was not in sight and there was no positive leadership toward bringing it about. The natural protest was against the party now in power. According to Senator Borah, the people were disgusted with the lack of policy and leadership in both parties. The anti-war vote, which was particularly strong in these states, had gained the courage to express it- self. It had gone for Wilson in 1916 because he kept us out of war and for Harding in 1920 because Wilson had put us into war, but now it turned against those Senators who had shared in responsibility for the war. The “wet” vote struck indiscriminately at who- ever was in power. The Esch-Cummins Act and the Ship Subsidy Bill became active is- sues, and were everywhere unpopular. A fierce revolt against high taxes visited the conse- quences even of local school and road funds on state and national officials. The Federal Reserve Board was still held responsible for the deflation of prices and especially for discrimination against the farmers. For sins of omission, the administration was held re- sponsible for the lack of adequate price stabi- lization, farm credit, and codperative market- ing laws.
These are all “issues.” And the people were discussing issues. To quote Senator Borah again: “We have played the game of politics below the level of the intelligence of the people.” The people resented the stock- in-trade platitudes of the old-style politicians. They liked to be bored with longwinded, dry, detailed economic discussions by La Follette, Shipstead, and Brookhart.
Also there arose a multitude of purely local conditions, which must await the detailed ac- count of the elections in the particular states. Some of these explain the apparent paradoxes. For instance, the recall of Governor Frazier of North Dakota in 1921 and his election as Senator the next year become much less as- tonishing when the local and personal situa- tions are understood.
These considerations explain why there should have been an anti-administration reac- tion, and to some extent why it should have taken a generally radical form. But there must also be added the concrete influence of the Non-Partisan League, the radical organ- ization which had already had such a spectacu lar career in North Dakota. The full history of that League must await the detailed story of North Dakota. It was not the product merely of hard times—in fact, it had made its greatest growth in North Dakota during the period of prosperity. But it now served asa ready-made crystallizing point for the amor- phous agrarian dissatisfaction of neighboring states. It had extended its organizers and its propaganda throughout the Northwest, and was thus at hand to give direction and effec- tiveness to the movement. It introduced the element of constructive radicalism into what might otherwise have been a mere negative reaction. But that, too, is another story, too long for this time.
This movement has already gained the balance of power in Congress, and may ex- ercise it in the Nation at the next election. It has sent men to Washington, like the Populists of thirty years ago, with proposals that seem preposterous to their contemporar- ies but may be less fantastic to their succes- sors. Most significant of all, it has scared the Conservatives into progress. Like Bismarck, who appropriated every workable proposal of the Socialists and made it imperial policy, to forestall them, the Republican leaders of South Dakota have kept their state Republi- can by making its Republicanism radical. The Conservative-progressive Governor Preus of Minnesota called an inter-state price stabi- lization congress and is promoting coépera- tive marketing and rural credit movements. The conservative recall government of North Dakota has completed the state mill and eleva- tor and is pledged to support it. Congress has passed a rural credit bill and is in terror of itsfarm bloc. The main service of the “crazy radicals’? may be in the same progressivism they have taught the conservatives.
The story of the working out of this move- ment in the individual states is more concrete and vivid than this preliminary general analysis could possibly be. This is chiefly to give the background, against which alone the individual scenes can be understood.
A second article by Mr. Rowell on the farmer in politics will appear in the Wortv’s Work for July


HARVARD TEACHING BUSINESS THE WAY IT TEACHES LAW
The ‘“‘Case Method” Applied to Instruction in the Practice of Business as Well as in Its Theory
By FLOYD W. PARSONS
P AT Harvard University they have a really big idea concerning the training of young men for executive positions in business. A lot of the educational work
carried on in our colleges is so largely based on pure theory that frequently it is difficult to apply the principles that are taught to the practical affairs of every-day life. Most de- partures from common thought and current practice are originated by idealists—men of vision and imagination, and this Harvard scheme is no exception to the rule. Wallace B. Donham, dean of the school, is chiefly responsible for this experiment in teaching business, and while his dreams may be up in the clouds, like those of most men who blaze new trails, the results already accomplished indicate plainly that his feet are solidly on the ground. The fellow who can effectively fill the dual rdle of efficient teacher and successful doer is about as difficult to find as a rich gambler, and the Harvard school is fortunate in having secured a leader who is no less adept in handling business actualities than in dealing with new theories.
There is a growing belief that our educa- tional system here in the United States has been woefully deficient in facilities and plans for training young men for business. We have hundreds of so-called commercial schools, but they have neither the equipment or organiza- tion to develop experts comparable with those that are turned out by our colleges of law, medicine and engineering. In other words, we have not seriously entertained the thought that business is just as much a profession as those relating to the handling of legal prob- lems, healing the sick or driving a tunnel. The average person has always felt that if he failed in everything else, he might at last turn to a business career. Here at least one might start out and be successful, with no more
equipment than good judgment and a will to work. Surrounded as we are by a veritable army of successful executives of the self-made brand, it is not much wonder that many peo- ple have come to glorify the widely advertised “school of hard knocks,” and to look with doubt upon the benefits resulting from a careful course of business training.
In the face of such a situation, and in view of the frightful waste to the nation from man- agerial inefficiency in practically all lines of business, it is refreshing and encouraging to note the trend toward a more respectful at- titude concerning the need of a far greater amount of technical knowledge for business beginners who are aiming to climb to execu- tive positions of importance. The idea that energy, enthusiasm, creative ability and personality will suffice to bring success in commerce and industry is being supplanted by the thought that we have come to a time when individual progress will be slow indeed unless well constructed scientific methods and standards are understood and applied in handling every-day business problems.
This business-training work at Harvard is a decided step forward in the general plan to improve our business practices. It is a promising effort to establish industrial and commercial management on the same type of sound scientific basis as those on which medicine and engineering are founded. It is a worthy endeavor to make the practice of business as much a profession as the practice of law. Back of the whole scheme is an in- teresting conception of what business is and of what it should be, and it is an underlying belief on the part of Dean Donham and his associates that we may learn effectively from the experiences of others in the past, what to avoid and how to act under the conditions of the present.
The training that a young man receives





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Harvard Teaching Business the Way it Teaches Law 167
in an engineering school justifies itself by putting him at an early date on a self-support- ing basis, but notwithstanding the fact that more of our young men who graduate from college choose business as their life work than any other field of endeavor, the average col- lege course in liberal arts has largely failed to develop an ability quickly to earn a satisfac- tory income. In years past there has been no effective method of training college graduates for the transition from the university to a business. The Harvard school expects to fill this need. Its purpose is to teach the young graduate, not languages, literature, and his- tory, but things that will be as directly avail- able and useful in his immediate work as are machine design, bridge construction, and surveying to the young engineer.
A NEW PHASE IN BUSINESS
HE big thought in all this is that the prac- tice of business is rapidly developing a
_ body of principles which may be formulated
and taught. At present, conditions in the field of industry and trade are quite similar to those which existed in the practice of law and medicine. It has not been many years since the young college graduate who decided on a career at the bar followed the plan of picking out the best lawyer with whom he could make a contact, and then proceeding to read law in the office of this veteran. In like manner, in years past, many young men secured em- ployment in the offices of successful physicians, and there undertook to prepare themselves for the practice of modern medicine. Now such a plan of training for a profession is viewed as obsolete, if not impossible; and practically everyone recognizes that well organized law and medical schools not only save much time for the ambitious youth, but provide him with a far better foundation of knowledge than he could possibly acquire in any one’s office.
But in business we are only now com- mencing to see the wisdom of effecting a simi- lar change. In practically all of our indus- tries, the common plan is to require the promising young executive to learn everything by direct experience, almost unaided by the accumulated experience of the past. With such a practice, the young college graduate who enters business has a very limited op- portunity to prepare himself for more im- portant executive work by attempting the
solution of common problems, and he even_has only an occasional chance to observe how routine business situations are met. Under such a condition it is impossible to train men quickly for executive positions that carry a considerable measure of responsibility. All of which makes it evident that there is a real need for the intensive training of the highly specialized graduate school of business ad- ministration.
Heads of great corporations are commenc- ing to realize the difficulties attending the training of an adequate supply of young executives. Our industrial and commercial expansion is proceeding so rapidly that we can only meet the need for efficient management by cutting the period of training executives from ten years to two. A way must be found to compress the experience of a decade and more into a capsule that the young man can swallow and assimilate in a minimum of time. It is this task that the people at Harvard have set out to accomplish.
WHAT THE SCHOOLS CAN TEACH
EAN DONHAM says that it is not possi-
ble for a business school to teach a man all the ins and outs of running any special type of business. Much of the routine and many technical details must be learned right on the job. The graduates of the highly specialized Harvard school must expect to start as most other beginners in business do. But these young men who are trained for executive positions are able to organize themselves out of their initial positions into other jobs of greater responsibility far more rapidly than the men who enter business directly from college. The minds of these young business professionals have been trained, not only to look for significant facts, but to use these facts in careful business thinking. In this they possess a decided advantage over average college men, because the latter must ac- cumulate facts and principles that the pro- fessionals already know, and this keeps the untrained beginner so busy that he has but little time to prepare himself quickly for promotion. One corporation president who is now making a place in his organization for a certain number of these business graduates each year, estimates that the training they have received saves them five years net. Said he, “Six months after they come to us, they are as well fitted to assume responsibility


168 Floyd W.
and to make decisions as the typical college man at thirty.”’
Then there are other advantages which accrue to the young men who go in for inten- sive business educations. Practically al- ways they are able to say definitely what branch of business activity they enjoy, and where their interests lie. On the contrary, the college man entering business has only a hazy conception. of why he desires a par- ticular job. The fellow with nothing more than a general or a liberal arts education often finds that at a critical moment he has nothing to offer which the rank and file of business men want. On the other hand, the highly trained business professional, who is as much a specialist as an engineer or a lawyer, is fre- quently able to pick out not only the com- pany, but the department, the job, and even the man with whom he desires to work. Therefore, if it is so advantageous to train young men to be business executives, how can this be accomplished effectively, when we have no carefully defined theory of business? How can men be taught to make correct executive decisions of major importance, when there is a lack of concrete rules and methods to guide them? How can the broad forces of business be charted and appraised, and their applications to individual problems be made plain to the beginner?
THE LACK OF TEXT BOOKS
HE people at Harvard have recognized
the fact that there is not an adequate sup- ply of information available in commercial and economic textbooks to-use as a basis for train- ing students to fill managerial positions in industry and trade. At the same time, they have realized that business decisions are now governed by the precedents and practices current within each particular industry, to an extent that makes these precedents almost comparable in weight with the precedents in law. It has also been plain to the Harvard teachers that it is characteristic of American business men to know very little about any business except their own, and to feel that economists are too theoretical and have little to offer which is of value in the commercial field. Asa result, our business men have been prone to minimize the importance of the work of the economist, and as a consequence there has been a gulf separating business theorists from business practitioners.
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In a great majority of cases, our economists devote their time to problems whose solutions are not directly applicable to business, and, as a result, most executives have failed to learn the language of the economist. The latter’s point of view is social, while the business man’s is primarily individualistic. Of course, the mental processes of the members of the banking fraternity are more general and come nearer the social point of view than do those of the business specialists. No matter in what industry he is engaged, the manufacturer or merchant holds the opinion that his busi- ness is essentially different from all others. If he goes in at all for economics, it is because he believes that an understanding of a few of our national issues may help him in handling some of his problems, especially those relating to labor.
HOW TO LEARN BUSINESS
T FOLLOWS, therefore, that to be success- ful in placing business on a scientific foun- dation, some way must be found to bring the economist and the business man together. Diligent research must be undertaken that will disclose a multitude of precedents from which definite principles on which to base executive actions can be evolved. There is no one that would not ridicule the idea of carrying on the development of chemistry by having each be- ginner start his career by ignoring the ac- complishments of his predecessors and devot- ing his time to working out rudiments that were completely investigated years before. The young engineer would not be wise if on entering the automobile business he were to commence by dropping back two decades in the art of motor-car construction and giving his thought to the building of a crude one- cylinder gas engine of the type common twenty years ago. Likewise, what a silly thing it would be for each doctor to disregard the records of the cases treated by other members of the medical fraternity, and ex- pect to build up a theory of medicine solely as a result of his own experience.
But while we acknowledge at once that it would be the essence of folly for professional men to ignore the accumulated wisdom of the ages relating to their own science, we coun- tenance a situation in our business life that does this very thing. We are all agreed that the waste of timber, coal, and other valuable natural resources by ourselves and our fore-





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Harvard Teaching Business the Way it Teaches Law 169
bears has constituted an economic crime. Yet we are blind to the truth that a no less waste- ful policy exists to-day in business through the failure of one generation of executives to hand down to their successors complete records of all the business problems that have arisen in each industry, and just how these difficulties were approached and overcome. Each time trade becomes slack and the nation enters into a period of industrial depression, all of the leaders in every line of business should be able to turn immediately for relief and guidance to a fund of accurate informa- tion covering the precedents and practices of similar crises in the past. In 1920 the nation had great need for records in usable form, of the experiences of 1893, but no such records exist. We talk of too much theory in busi- ness, but the fact is that we have almost none at all in comparison with such professions as those of law and medicine.
HANDICAPS TO EXECUTIVES
VERY executive to-day is handicapped by
a lack of information concerning the methods used by other executives to solve in- ternal problems similar to his own. It is easy to teach an intelligent person the rules and principles of accounting, book-keeping, and other more or less mechanical pursuits that go to make up the operation of a business. But not even a thorough understanding of such work serves to fit a person for an im- portant executive position where vital prob- lems must be met and decisions made promptly when there is no background of personal experience that the individual may fall back upon.
Fifty years ago, at the Harvard Law School, the decision was reached that the students preparing to enter the legal profession could be trained much more effectively if the school were to introduce the use of selected reported decisions of American courts as the basis of classroom instruction. This plan, known as the “case’’ system, was put into operation by the Harvard authorities, and immediately there was a wide discussion concerning the possible merits of the scheme. Many other educational institutions expressed skepticism with reference to the innovation, and law schools generally were slow to adopt the plan. Now all doubts concerning the excellence of the case system of teaching law have disap- peared, and this plan of preparing young men
for the bar is the orthodox method of instruc- tion in law schools throughout the land.
This transition in the common practice of teaching law is now being duplicated at Har- vard in the methods of training young men for executive positions in business. Of course, it is far easier to get together cases covering matters in law than to collect the details of business problems and their solutions, be- cause in the legal field all controversies, with their settlements, are matters of record. But Dean Donham is rapidly developing a plan that has made it possible largely to use the problem or case method of instruction in the Harvard school of business. A staff of in- vestigators is employed to go about and collect from successful business men complete in- formation concerning the various problems they have had to face in all phases of business operation, and the decisions that have been made. These business problems, or rather “cases,” as the Harvard people prefer to call them, are not to be found ready-made. What the investigator usually gets is a practical set of facts out of which arises a problem or problems for determination by the man in business. Later the cases are prepared for classroom use, and in this preparation the name of the company is disguised so that the particular executive or concern that supplied the problem may not be identified.
METHODS OF TEACHING
FTEN the case is improved for teaching purposes by varying the facts, provided
such adaptations can be made without de- stroying the reality of the situation. While the gathering of cases for teaching business is ar- duous the technique of presentation is still in an early experimental stage, and as a result the teachers are compelled to face numerous dif- ficulties in developing the use of this new sys- tem. In the fields of law and medicine, it is easily possible for any one to go to a good library, and compile a list of interesting cases to use for instruction purposes, but there is no case book for teaching business, so in training men for the profession of business, it is neces- sary to go directly to our industrial and com- mercial leaders for the essential facts and problems. Of course, we have articles and treatises on business subjects, but these do not fill the need, because the value of the business case for use in teaching is largely destroyed when it is analyzed by the business


Floyd W.
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economist and re-stated by him in a general- ized form, rather than presented specifically and uncolored, just as it has come to the business executive. Furthermore, the in- vestigator, or searcher for business cases to illustrate particular points, cannot turn to any index or encyclopedia to aid him in col- lecting his facts.
While the work of collecting business cases must entail much labor for years to come, the Harvard experiment has proved beyond doubt that it is possible for the teachers of business of the country to secure from corpor- ation executives a sufficient number and variety of problems to enable the instructor to develop the principles of business from them in discussions with his class. It is also ap- parent from the progress already made that a business-problem book can be prepared to perform the function of the case book in the law school. Furthermore, in business as in law, it may be assumed that common prac- tices can be founded on a science developed from precedents. Of course, there are those who will assert that the law is far from being a science in any exact sense, but such an argument is only in the nature of a quibble, and the greatest benefit will come from recognizing the truth that the underlying principles of business may in numerous cases be discovered by analysis, and applied to new facts. The fundamental assumption under- lying the work of the Harvard school is that business is not hit or miss, but that its subject- matter may be put into coherent, systematic form. This being a fact, it follows that the principles of business may be developed by the inductive method, just as well as they may be laid down ex cathedra.
RESULTS OF THE ‘“‘CASE SYSTEM”
NE of the chief reasons why the case sys-
tem of instruction is so effective in the hands of a competent teacher is that it arouses the interest of the student by making him an active rather than a passive participant in the instruction. At the same time, this scheme of teaching stimulates careful analysis and systematic thinking. All business, except that of a routine nature, may be reduced to the solution of problems and the making of decisions. In actual practice, these deci-
sions frequently are made from insufficient premises and under pressure as to time. Therefore, it follows that an educational
Parsons
method which compels the student to decide similar problems from day to day, in and out of the classroom, must certainly be better preparation for general executive work than any method which is based primarily on merely telling the student how to do business.
Of course, it must be understood that the case method of instruction, taught from col- lections of problems, is not expected entirely to supersede the instruction by textbook and lecture-system methods. It has been found that unless the student in the very beginning is given a broad foundation of important principles, he is likely to show much uncer- tainty and confusion later, when the actual problems of every-day business are put to him for analysis and decision. It is the study of cases that stimulates greater personal initiative in thinking. But the supplemental knowledge that is gained from the written treatise and the classroom lecture provides a proper background to round out the training supplied by the studyof current business prob- lems.
PREVENTING NARROW SPECIALIZATION
* THE past, the average student preparing for business has looked upon accounting as simply accounting, and finance as only fi- nance. Now we know that in training a young man to become a business executive he must thoroughly understand the interrela- tion between the various business practices that perform necessary functions in the opera- tion of the whole machine. Every effort is made to combat the idea of the student that he must develop himself into a narrow specialist. He is given to understand the usefulness of a proper training in factory management, even for the fellow who is aim- ing to commence his career as an accountant ora salesman. In other words, the idea is to graduate students who have the mental qualifications and the broad training of execu- tives before they take up actual duties in business. Instead of having met and solved problems in real business life, they have analyzed and reached decisions on these same identical problems in a short space of time in the classroom.
Right here it would be interesting to present at length one or more of the hundreds of business problems that have been collected and used in training the students at Har- vard, but space forbids, for most of the im-









Harvard Teaching Business the Way it Teaches Law 171
portant cases that have been prepared for discussion necessarily go into great detail in laying down the facts. However, | may illustrate briefly by touching just a few high spots in one marketing problem secured from a New England company known as the Rod- ney E. Powers Company, which concern acted as the distributor of a car known as the Haddon. Of course the name of the com- pany, as well as that of the car, is fictitious, but the information covering the case has been taken from an actual problem that was met in business.
A CLASS PROBLEM
HE Powers Company last year took a lot
of cars of their own and other makes as part payments for new cars that their custom- ers purchased from them. Then prices were re- duced and this caused a material depreciation in the market value of the used cars they had on their hands, with a resulting severe loss to the company. The Powers people in order to find a solution for the used car problem had once refused to accept second-hand cars as part payments for new machines. Later they adopted the scheme of taking a prospect’s car to sell on consignment. Both plans were unsatisfactory. In order to make it easier for their dealers, the Haddon Company that man- ufactures the car handled by the Powers con- cern, has endeavored to achieve style perman- ency for its models because experience has shown that frequency of style changes upsets the used car market. Next a plan was developed for rebuilding used cars so as to make them attractive to bargain hunters. A guarantee was placed on each reconditioned car. The manufacturer also devoted some of his advertising to speeding up the sale of over- hauled Haddons. And all of this helped materially, but it did not solve the problem of how to handle cars of other makes than the Haddon which were received in exchange.
In the meantime it developed that many dealers, in an effort to sell cars that have not yet built up a reputation for high quality, were offering to prospective purchasers much larger allowances for their used cars than were other agencies handling automobiles with established reputations. For this and other reasons, a proposal was made recently that a clearing house plan should be used by all the automobile dealers in the city where the Powers Company is doing business. Under
this plan used “A” cars taken in by the “B” dealer would be turned over to the “A” dealer, and used “B”’ cars received by the “A” dealer would be sent to the “B”’ dealer. Mr. Powers opposed the plan on the ground that his company would be taking in a lot of lower-priced cars, while the agencies handling these makes would be getting very few, if any, Haddons. As a result there would not be any even basis of exchange. The dealers in the lower-priced cars would soon refuse to continue taking second-hand machines of their own makes from the Powers Company, when they probably would not have more than one or two chances a year to pass a Haddon back. The idea might be all right if it was intended to include only dealers in those classes of cars*coming within practi- cally the same price range.
A FURTHER SUGGESTION
NOTHER plan to remedy the used car situ- ation proposes that allowance estimates on various makesof cars be standardized. The scheme includes a request that manufacturers coéperate in working out a table of values, according tolength of use and mileage traveled for each of 40 well known makes of cars. In case the plan is perfected, local dealers will be asked to enter into an agreement to adhere strictly to the established appraisal values.
Such were some of the facts included in the presentation of this business problem, and the students are required to prepare answers to the following questions: Is the Powers Com- pany justified in not supporting the plan for a used-car clearing house arrangement? What attitude should the concern adopt toward the proposal for standardizing trade-in allow- ances? And last, should the Powers people continue their present trading methods in handling used cars of makes other than the Haddon?
Problems of this kind take the teaching of business out of the realm of pure theory and make it a practical affair full of realism. Of course, it is easy to realize that the collection of live facts and the development of sound guiding principles from these facts entails a vast amount of careful research, so no story of the Harvard business school would be at all complete without mention being made of the valuable work being done by Director Copeland and his associates in the Bureau of Business Research. This organized plan of


172
investigation was put into effect at Harvard because no laboratories are available for the use of business students like those that are equipped for the use of college men who are preparing to be chemists, engineers, and doc- tors. Very little has been discovered about business, so the only way to get the truth was to start research and uncover the facts es- sential for teaching purposes.
HOW THE INVESTIGATIONS ARE FINANCED
OCTOR COPELAND has made such progress in his investigations that prac- tically all of the research at Harvard is now being carried on by appropriations from indus- tries themselves. The work has become as val- uable to business men as to theschool, and that is why someof our industries are putting up the money. The aggregate sales of four trades— three retail and one wholesale—that are now appropriating funds for the Harvard research, last year totalled more than one billion dollars. At present, thirty men are out getting business cases, and already this year more than twenty- seven hundred problems have been collected, on labor, factory management, advertising, retail-store practice, commercial banking, investment banking, foreign trade, etc. Doc- tor Copeland says that the only way one can develop general conclusions relating to busi- ness is to get a fairly complete. record of the experiences of executives in a great variety of cases. The difference between business and law is that law is six hundred years ahead of business in recording decisions. But the Harvard workers are confident that as we go along further it will be found that investiga- tors can get better evidence for business decisions than will ever be possible in law decisions. Of course, all reports from firms are held in strict confidence.
The Harvard research plan is designed to establish a common terminology in every industry. The trades that have joined hands with the Bureau of Research are now using terms that always mean the same thing. Rent is rent; sales-force expense is sales-force ex- pense, and advertising is advertising, without doubt or ambiguity as to what is included in each category. In one trade, before things were standardized, a retailer submitted a statement which showed that his gross profit was 17 per cent., his total expense 12 per cent. and his net profit 5 per cent. When the gaps in the statement had been filled, his total ex-
Floyd W. Parsons
pense actually was found to be 24 per cent., and his net profit was turned into a net loss of 7 per cent. Examples of this kind of ac- counting might be duplicated by the score. Doctor Copeland says that any merchant whose cost of doing business is less than 20 per cent. of his sales should immediately be dis- trustful of the correctness of his methods.
RESULTS OF RESEARCH
VEN the comparatively meagre amount of research that has already been completed at Harvard has commenced to indicate means of economy which must eventually yield direct benefit to the public at large. For instance, take the matter of stock turnover. Research has shown the realadvantages that accruefrom a reasonably rapid rate of turnover; it has shown that the rate of stock turnover in the average store can be increased; and it has in- dicated the amount of saving which will result from that increase. Through the stock-keep- ing system it has provided one means of help- ing to bring about a more rapid rate of stock turnover, and this is only one of several specific methods of securing economy in store management that have been developed through the Harvard research.
The effect of the rate of stock turnover on expenses and profits is something that the average retailer ought to consider carefully. The highest rate of stock turnover in one trade reported in 1921, a year of extreme dul- ness, was 2.8 times. That store, showing such a satisfactory turnover, reported a net profit of more than 9 per cent. of net sales. In 1921, among the stores reporting to the Research Bureau, there were fifty-seven in this trade which turned their stock less than 0.7 of one time per year. In those fifty-seven stores, the total expense amounted to $523 out of each $1,000 of sales, and each $1,000 of sales represented a net loss of $110. Then there was a group of 77 stores that turned their stock between 0.7 and 0.9 of one time per year, and those stores’ total expense was $436 of each $1,000 of sales and net loss was $66 per $1,000 of sales. In the same year, there was a group of 33 that succeeded in turning their stock between 1 and 1.4 times per year. In those stores, total operating expenses required $353 out of each $1,000 of sales, and the net loss was only $34 for each $1,000 of sales. Then there were 22 firms that turned their stock more than 1.5 times a




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Harvard Teaching Business the Way it Teaches Law 173
year; their total expenses required only $328 out of each $1,000 of sales, and they broke exactly even, showing neither a profit nora loss.
““BUSINESS ASTROLOGERS”
HERE is no doubt but that research
which brings out the basic facts of busi- ness should be applied far more widely in all of our industrial and commercial practices. Many fields of business activity are now in the realm of hypotheses corresponding to the fan- tastic theories of the ancient astrologers. Be- fore scientific methods came into use, the astrologer and the medicine man created fan- tastic explanations to account for the phenom- ena of Nature. Then came true research, which did away with absurd notions about the sun, moon, and stars, and it became recognized that these important bodies were under the influence of definite laws which controlled and ordered their movements. Copernicus, Kep- pler, and others conceived the idea of recording and collecting systematically, over a consider- able period of time, the facts about their movements. It was then possible to classify these facts in series and sequences, and to develop from these classifications and records laws and theories which not only explained the present, but gave a method of predicting the future. A similar development must take place in business if we are to establish our commercial practices on a foundation of science.
Fortunately, we are coming to recognize the many benefits that result from exchanges of experiences among different business con- cerns. Trade secrets of a non-technical nature have ceased to exist in many well managed plants, where a decade or two ago it was dif- ficult for the manager of a competing concern even to gain admission. Such interchange to-day is not only possible, but is expected. The average merchant has come to realize that so long as he maintains his initiative and sound judgment, he will prosper more by sharing the results of his experience with others than he will by trying to keep them under his hat. Experience in recent years has indicated plainly that the business man who prides himself on his own methods and re- fuses to share his experience with others us-
ually is deceiving himself and losing an op- portunity to gain fully as much benefit as he would give.
With such facts before us, it is gratifying to witness the progress that is being made at Harvard to supply the business world with young men who have been thoroughly trained to shoulder the burden of business, and who will be able to carry on in a fashion that is no less scientific and professional than their contemporaries who have chosen to enter the fields of law, medicine, or engineering. That there has been a great need for such a school is evidenced by the fact that of the class grad- uating last year, 75 per cent. were placed be- fore they had left the school. Of the class that graduated the previous year, only one man has changed employers since leaving school. A Wall Street man who was not over-enthusiastic about the Harvard method of training young executives for business de- cided to take several men purely as an experi- ment. He did not hide the fact that the reports which had reached him, about the school being able really to teach business to young men, sounded to him like high-grade “bunk.”’ But after using three of the young graduates, he went back up to Cambridge and made arrangements to take three additional graduates from each class each year.
The Harvard Graduate School of Business draws its students, practically speaking, from all of the important colleges throughout the country. Of all the institutions that now have men at Cambridge, the University of California ranks second in the number of its graduates who are now taking the business course at Harvard. But let no one think that it is an easy matter for the student satis- factorily to complete the course of training that is laid out for these would-be business executives. Of 440 that started in last year’s class, only 150 remain. This is plain in- dication that it is the Harvard policy to turn out quality rather than quantity. And who is there who will deny that the injection of a reasonable percentage of intellectual aristocracy into American business will be a . good thing, in view of the certainty of a coming struggle among the important nations of the world for commercial supremacy.


How the Ku Klux Klan Sells Hate
The Ku Klux Klan’s Progress Under the Direction of Skilled Sales- men. How They Fooled Honest People While Providing an Outlet for Prejudice and Revenge. Some Political Effects in the South
By ROBERT L. DUFFUS
“The very idea of the power and right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
“All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under what- ever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular delibera- tion and action of the constituted authorities, are obstructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. . However combinations and associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be able to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterward the very engines which lifted them to unjust dominion.’’—From Washington’s Farewell Address, quoted by Governor


Jobn M. Parker of Louisiana.
“I thought it a good thing, but later I learned different and I resigned. After its advent, friends
became enemies; it separated the people and brought about disorders.
Mer Rouge was once
peaceful and contented, but after the Klan came, people grew bitter and suspicious ——From the testimony of Mayor R. L. Dade of Mer Rouge, at Bastrop, Louisiana, January 11, 1923.
ASTROP, Louisiana, on August 24,
1922, was holding a baseball game
and a barbecue, and trying to work
up interest among the people of Morehouse Parish for a million-
dollar good-roads bond issue. “Captain” J. K. Skipwith— “Old Skip,” they called him—was there in the full noontide of his glory as Exalted Cyclops of the Ku Klux Klan in Morehouse Parish, and from Mer Rouge, eight miles away, had come several hundred people, including Watt Daniel; his father, J. L. Daniel, a well-known planter; young
Daniel’s chum, Tom Richards, a garage mechanic; W. C. Andrews, and “Tot” Davenport.
A week before, Richards and young Daniel had been seized by masked men in broad day- light, in the presence of numerous witnesses, taken into the woods, questioned as to their complicity in an attempt said to have been made to shoot Dr. B. M. McKoin, a promi- nent local Klansman, lectured as to their

general conduct, warned, and turned loose. Perhaps Daniel had been making a little whiskey. Possibly he had offended against a rigid moral code in some other ways, despite the fact that he was a war veteran with an honorable\record, and a welcome guest in the best homed in Mer Rouge. Perhaps his real offence was\that he had walked into a Klan meeting in the woods, pulled out a gun when he was thrdatened, and made fun of the solemn horseplay of the order. Not a scrap of evidence has ever been produced to show that he—or, for that matter, any one else— ever fired at Doctor McKoin. As for Rich- ards, his principal offence seems to have been that he was Daniel’s friend and no friend of the Morehouse Klan.
The word went round that “the boys had been talking too much” or that they “knew too much.” Old Skip was seen talking to strangers and nodding his head in the direc- tion of Daniel and Richards.
Toward dusk the Mer Rouge delegation


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How the Ku Klux Klan Sells Hate 175
started for home, some fifty or sixty auto- mobiles tooting merrily along. They had gone about two miles when they came to a point where the road dips to cross a bridge over a little stream. Here something blocked the road—a crippled car they thought at first. But presently a little group of masked man came down the line, all armed, one of them carrying a Winchester rifle, throwing flash lights into the faces of the people in the cars. They halted at the machine in which Daniel sat. “That’s the man we want,” said one of them. A girl cried, “Watt! Watt! Watt!’? A woman, near her time, shrieked. Daniel got out, or was dragged out, and was followed by Andrews, Davenport, Richards, and the elder Daniel.
Late that night Watt Daniel and Richards were seen on a truck guarded by masked men near Lake La Fourche, south of Mer Rouge. Andrews and the elder Daniel were brutally kicked, beaten with leather straps and thrown out at Collinston, between Mer Rouge and Lake La Fourche. Davenport was released uninjured. Armed men sat up all night in
both Mer Rouge and Bastrop, waiting a new outrage of an effort at retaliation. Old Skipor- dered the telephone girl at Bastrop to stop all messages between that town and Mer Rouge, and, after she refused, the wires were cut.
This was, as | have said, on August 24, 1922. Daniel and Richards were not seen again alive. Five months later, while troops sent out by Governor John M. Parker were patrolling the parish to prevent civil war between the Bastrop Klansmen and the outraged citizenry of Mer Rouge, a mys- terious explosion brought two hideously mangled bodies to the surface of Lake La Fourche.
That one of these bodies was that of Watt Daniel was proved by a belt buckle bearing his initials, by a wrist-watch belonging to his father, by a bow necktie bearing his initials, and by an initialed shirt-band. That the other was that of Richards was strongly indicated by the tattered fragments of cloth clinging to it, which were identified by a Mer Rouge merchant as identical with that of a suit sold by him to Richards.


THE KLAN HEARING AT BASTROP, LA.


The first of the legal steps taken to convict the Klan or some of its members of complicity in the Mer Rouge murder. It was definitely proved that many members of the local Klan had guilty knowledge of other local outrages, including
the kidnapping, a week before the murder, of the two murdered men

Robert L. Duffus




THE COURT HOUSE AT BASTROP, LA.
Where the open hearing was held that attempted to indict the local Ku Klux Klan or some members of it for the revolting murders of Watt Daniel and Tom Richards
Governor Parker intervened in the case four days after the disappearance of Daniel and Richards. In a speech in Chicago on February 26th he told why.
“On the 28th of August last,” he said, “my phone rang late at night and a pitiful female voice appealed to me to try to help find the petitioner’s husband. The lady stated that her name was Mrs. Richards; that she was from Mer Rouge, Louisiana; that her husband had been . . torn away from her little three-year-old child, who was with him, and that an earnest effort had failed to produce any information in regard to him. She said that she was an orphan when she married Richards, that she had two little girl babies, that Richards was a kind, good husband, had never been in any kind of trouble, and as he was only a garage employee had left her absolutely destitute.”’
For responding to this appeal, and to that of Daniel’s father, Governor Parker has been venomously denounced by every spokesman and mouthpiece of the Ku Klux Klan in America, from Colonel Simmons down. Not one Klansman, in or out of Louisiana, has voluntarily lifted a finger to assist in the dis- covery of the murderers. Although evidence
which was common gossip in Morehouse Par- ish showed that Daniel and Richard had been at outs with the Klan, that they had been warned by identified members of the Klan, that they had been carried off in a truck in which were identified members of the Klan, and that the Klan, as testified by several of its own former members, had whipped and beater a number of citizens of Morehouse Parish, the Morehouse grand jury, at least two thirds of whose members are Klansmen, has twice refused to indict or even to admit that a crime was committed. At the same time Klansmen have spread the foulest slan- ders concerning the two dead men, as though to justify the atrocity which they deny oc- curred.
But if Governor Parker did not succeed in bringing the murderers to justice, he did sum- mon the Klan to the bar of American public opinion in the open hearing held before Judge Odom at Bastrop last January. Testimony at this hearing showed that the tragedy had not come out of a clear sky, but had been the result of the slow degradation of an entire community over a:period of many months, beginning with the arrival of the Klan in Morehouse parish, probably late in 1920.





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How the Ku Klux Klan Sells Hate 177
According to Klansmen, the order first con- fined itself to lecturing and warning obnoxious persons. The members talked of “cleaning
*up” Bastrop and Mer Rouge, and the Bas-
trop members were particularly ardent in their desire to improve the little neighboring community of eight hundred inhabitants. One of their exploits, performed on January 2, 1922, was the deportation of sixteen-year- old Addie May Hamil- ton on the ground that “the Klan did not like her conduct.” Several armed men were re- quired to do this job, and one of them struck Addie’s mother with his fist. Later, a peti- tion to allow Addie to return was circulated among the Klansmen and graciously granted.
J. S. Norsworthy, a former Klansman of Mer Rouge, who re- signed in disgust when he saw how affairs were going, testified at the Bastrop hearing that he “was ordered to help whip several men within an inch of their

more and more impatient of opposition or criticism.
There was abundant ground for Attorney General Coco’s assertion that “the flogging of citizens, their deportation and banishment, and other kindred offences were but mere pastimes, and of such frequent occurrence that they were accepted as commonplace things, the protest against which was itself sufficient ground for deportation.” A peaceful community, with schools, respected old families, local pride, and interest in good roads, had been plunged into hate and terror and brought to the verge of civil war. This was the work of an organization which boasted that its aims were “to cultivate and promote real patriot- ism toward our civil government; . . . to exemplify a practical benevolence; to shield the sanctity of the home and the chastity of womanhood ; and by a practical de- votedness to conserve,
lives, take them to the Arkansas line and or- der them not to re-
JUDGE ODOM
Who presided at the open hearing at Bastrop, La., which
was unsuccessful in indicting anyone for complicity in the
murders, but which put the brutal story before the American public
protect, and maintain the distinctive institu- tions, rights, privi-
turn,” that Klansmen in Morehouse reported offences, not to the con- stituted officers of the law, but to Old Skip, the power-drunk Exalted Cyclops, that the ac- tion taken was “whatever Captain Skipwith saw fit,” and that a condition of terrorism had been created.””’ Mayor Dade of Mer Rouge, testified that he had been a member, and had even been with the party which kidnapped and lectured Daniel and Richards a short time prior to the murder, but declared that he had withdrawn because he became convinced that the Klan was a bad thing. The Klan went steadily from bad to worse for a long time prior to the fatal night of August 24; decent men dropped out; the fanatical, violent, and vindictive got control; and Old Skip, tasting authority for the first time in his life, grew more and more arrogant,
leges, principles, tra-
ditions, and ideals of a pure Americanism.” Mer Rouge has earned an _ unenviable prominence because there the fruits of the Klan’s labors were extraordinarily and drama- tically dreadful. Whether the crime was planned or was the result of sudden impulse may never be known. Perhaps it was the act of an old man debauched to the verge of insanity by bigotry and power. At all events the light of nation-wide attention fell on Morehouse Parish more by accident than any- thing else. And the ominous feature of the crime which cost Daniel and Richards their lives was not its naked horror, but the fact that the conditions which happened to pro- duce it were, and are, duplicated in greater or lesser degree in literally hundreds of Southern communities. In most cases the spark which






R. L. DADE
The present mayor of Mer Rouge, who joined the Ku Klux Klan, but resigned when he found out to his satisfaction that it was objectionable
led to murder was lacking, but in nearly every community in the South in which the Klan obtained a firm footing there was violence and breach of the laws.
In order to understand how this plague— this social boll weevil—fastened itself upon the South, it is necessary to bear in mind not only the long-standing social and economic peculiarities of this part of the country, but also certain peculiar conditions existing in 1920 and 1921, when Mr. Clarke and Mrs. Tyler were selling the Klan’s cencentrated hate pill with such success at $10 a package.
The Ku Klux Klan flourished best in cum- munities where educational standards were low and social life raw or primitive. To say that such communities are numerous in the back counties of Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Oklahoma, and Arkansas is no reflec- tion upon the racial stock which inhabits them. The truth is, despite a good deal of eloquence and some statistics to the con- trary, that the recovery of the South from the Civil War is still incomplete. It is only in this generation that the schools have been catching up with those of the North. Large areas have been poor to the verge of misery,
Robert L. Duffus
have suffered severely from a grotesquely wasteful system of farming and land tenure, and have even undergone an actual degenera- tion of a once flourishing social life. Others, notably in the oil regions, are in a state of bumptious and almost barbaric prosperity. This may be a transitional stage, from which the boll weevil, the development of industries, the extension of agricultural knowledge, the influx of Northern capital, and other agencies of man and nature will furnish an escape, but in the meantime multitudes are left at loose ends, and are not sharers in the best that modern civilization can give. Among these people certain pioneer traditions, good and evil, still flourish. Men carry guns and are ready to use them; woman is still a lesser man, protected, deferred to, and exploited as such; and religion and morals are not a Sabbath formality, but a serious week-day preoc- cupation. This does not mean that the rural Southerner is better behaved than the com- mon run of human beings, but it does mean that he tends to see life in moral terms, and that, as Holland Thompson has said, his “ethical concepts’ are more important to him than law.
And the Ku Klux Klan brought to him what purported to be an ethical concept. It took his vague ideas about woman, home, God, Americanism, and Anglo-Saxon supre- mecy, and turned them into magniloquent phrases. It did this so effectively that the mean man’s cussedness and the bigoted man’s bigotry were armed with a moral justification.
But the South of 1920 and 1921, when the Ku Klux made its great advances, was not the normal South. There had been a world war, with consequent disturbings of men’s minds everywhere; there had been rumors of revolu- tion and counter-revolution; there had been a deluge of catch-words, a Johnstown flood of propaganda; lastly the subordinate race in the South had been drafted to fight for democracy in France, and had been en- couraged to believe that its status at home would somehow be altered for the better. As the Negro troops began to come back from France an uneasiness ran through the black belt. It was thought that the black veterans would be “biggety.” The Negroes, on their part, had been doing some thinking on the subject of democracy, and were not inclined to submit cheerfully to all the conditions




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How the Ku Klux Klan Sells Hate 179
which they had accepted before the war. Nineteen hundred and nineteen had been a year of race riots both North and South, and for every riot there were a hundred minor disturbances and a thousand crises which were tided over only by good fortune, and good sense among the members of both races.
Yet, while the racial situation contributed to a state of mind favorable to Ku-Kluxism, curiously enough it did not figure prominently in the Klan’s career. The Klan soon found that for various reasons, among them the realization that the South would suffer econ- omically if the Negroes were driven in larger numbers into the Northern labor markets, it could not safely undertake a general anti- Negro crusade. There have been sporadic instances of outrages against Negroes of which Klansmen are known to have been guilty, and there was in 1921 a drastic in- crease in the number of lynchings in districts where the order was strong, but
Everywhere, from Atlanta to Oklahoma City, in the first months of 1923, | heard repeated almost in identical words the assertion that at first the “best people” joined, and that some of them had such faith in Colonel Simmons’s ritual and in their own good intentions that they remained in the Klan after it had be- come an abomination in the eyes of most out- siders. There seem to have been many cases such as that described to me by a Louisianan, an ardent friend and supporter of Governor Parker, who told of a “really saintly” old gentleman of his acquaintance who could not be brought by any manner of argument to see that his membership in the Klan was anything but praiseworthy. Sometimes getting out of the Klan was not so simple as getting in. Merchants were afraid to drop out because of boycotts, poli- ticians because they feared to lose votes, editors because they dared not risk offending

the major part of the Klan’s reg- ulatory activities have had to do with white men.
One other element in the spread of the Klan, both North and South, but particularly in the Puritanical South, has undoubtedy been the “fundamentalist’”” movement of which Mr. Bryan is an able ex- ponent. The country was relig- iously disturbed by the war and its emotional aftermath. The feeling that religious and eco- nomic innovations went hand in hand and were both associated with undesirable foreign influ- ences, was general. Evolution, Bolshevism, atheism, and immor- ality were lumped together. Men were trying to get back to what they thought, rightly or wrongly, to be the faith of their fathers. And the Ku Klux, happening upon this fertile field, offered them in convenient form what actually did purport to be the faith of the fa- thers. They put the Klan regalia on every dead national hero, not even excepting Washington, Lin- coln,and the rationalisticF ranklin.
With this bait the organiza- tion caught good citizens as well as bad and indifferent ones.


J. S. NORSWORTHY (RIGHT)
With A. R. Farland, a Government operative. Norsworthy testified
to having been a member of the Ku Klux Klan, but after seeing the Klan at work he became disgusted with it and resigned





180
readers and advertisers. Often men were threatened with bodily harm, either for refus- ing to join or for trying to withdraw. Such instances are the commonest gossip among Southerners who dare talk frankly. If aman was financially or socially strong enough, or brave enough, he sometimes defied the Klan. One man, in a small city not far from Atlanta, identified to his own satisfaction the writers of several threatening letters, and, going to their places of business, pleasantly proposed to “shoot it out.” His proposal was not accepted, and he received no more threaten- ing letters.
Another, this time in a Western Texas county, was warned anonymously that he “had better stop talking against the Klan.” He replied by issuing hand bills offering five hundred dollars to any Klansman who would repeat the warning in person, but although he spent several hours walking up and down the main street of his home town, Winchester in hand and revolver in belt, the reward was not called for. And even in Mer Rouge there were men like J. S. Norsworthy, whom | have already quoted, who in answer to a question put him by Attorney General Coco, exclaimed: “ Fear the Klan—hell, no! There’s not enough men in Bastrop to make me fear. Skulkers! Yellow skulkers! Men __ that haven’t nerve enough to come out in the open and fight.”
And it would be possible to list judges, lawyers, editors, clergymen, and humble citizens by the score who dared stand up against hidden enemies for what they believed to be a real as opposed to a spurious Ameri- canism.
But not all were of this calibre. In scores of towns throughout the Klan belt a state of terrorism prevailed, as it did in Mer Rouge. A newspaper editor, in a Texas village, told an acquaintance of mine that he had joined the order when it was first organized, declared that he was now disgusted with it, but ad- mitted that he dare not mention its numerous and notorious offences in his news columns.
The Klan must be credited with a highly skilful combining of mystery and _ hocus- pocus, with very businesslike methods of sell- ing memberships. For a time newspaper publicity helped rather than hurt them, and as | have said in a previous article, they used newspaper advertisements effectively during the period of their mushroom growth, in 1921.
Robert L. Duffus
To supplement these they resorted to parades, more or less public initiations, and occasiona! materializations at funerals and at church services. Often a group of Klansmen, gowned and masked, would walk up the aisle of 4 church, hand the minister a few dollars, make a speech, and walk solemnly out again. Most clergymen, whether sympathetic or not, hesitated to denounce visitors who came on such an errand and whose protestations were so angelic. The Pittsburgh pastor who a few weeks ago ordered a delegation of Klansmen to unmask or quit the building, and the ushers who promptly chased them out, un- masking several as they ran, were dramatic exceptions to the rule.
Always the Klan sought to give an inflated notion of its numbers. When it appeared in parades its members marched or rode in single file a few yards apart, so that a small number went a long way. When public initiations were held, the custom was to sum- mon Klansmen from long distances, and wherever possible to carry out the ceremonies near a clump of trees, where familiar stage devices made a few seem a multitude. An initiation of a dozen candidates might in this way pass for that of a thousand. These artifices are probably responsible for the grotesque overestimates of Klan strength. They were very effective, of course, not only in bringing in new members, but in frighten- ing away many who might have opposed the order openly had they known its true strength and weakness.
When a new field was being fertilized the Klan sent lecturers, the most notable among them in the early days being Colonel Sim- mons himself. Another was Caleb Ridley, a migratory preacher of an evangelistic turn of phrase, who is now grand chaplain of the Klan. Still another was Colonel J. Q. Nolan. These gentlemen were assisted by a shrieking Klan press, of which The Searchlight in Atlanta, Colonel Mayfield’s Weekly in Hous- ton, and Sergeant Dalton’s Weekly of Winni- field, Louisiana, are worthy illustrations. In lectures and in print the Klan spokesmen made venomous attacks upon the four classes of Americans whom they held under suspicion, giving especial attention to the Roman Catholics, whose mildest offence seemed to be a conspiracy to slaughter all non-Catholics in the population. They achieved what might have appeared the impossible feat of



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How the Ku Klux Klan Sells Hate 181
going the late Senator Tom Watson of Georgia one better. He had made Catholic- baiting profitable on a small scale; they made it a gold mine.
With such backing the salesmen found their work easy. But they did not go at it at haphazard. They began, after the manner familiar to every college student who ever sold books during vacation, by approaching the prominent citizens in each community. They went to the clergymen, the leading business men, the law- yers, the doctors, the influential farmers, the officers of the frater- nal orders, and, most important of all, the politicians and elected officials, especially the sheriffs. To each of these they held out the proper inducements. The clergymen were shown the Klan’s highly moral ritual and code, the business men and professional men were flattered as men of influence, and the politicians were made dizzy with dreams of power.
When the organizers had enlisted as many of the leading citizens as they could, they took their lists and went to the small fry, just as book agents do. Here was a fraternal order with the loftiest purposes, énveloped in a pleasing veil of hokum, giving to every mem- ber a sensation of distinction, patronized by the best people, and all for ten dollars—or, counting the regalia, sixteen dollars and fifty cents. Mr. Clarke’s hustling agents sought out the poor, the romantic, the short-witted, the bored, the vindictive, the bigoted, and the ambitious, and sold them their heart’s desire.
The incomes of the agents depended upon the number of sales they made, yet they af- fected to be extremely particular as to whose money they took. An applicant received from Atlanta an impressive form letter in which were such paragraphs as this:


Head of the Bastrop Klan, who, although not indicted for the murders, was shown to be responsible for many minor outrages in Morehouse Parish
Of all the secret organizations and exclusive so- cieties which the world has ever known, the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan is the most secret; and before any one can pass the portals and attain full mem- bership inside the Order, we are compelled to make detailed investigations regarding the past life, traits of character, habits, and personality of the applicant, and to put the applicant through a varied number of tests which are only applied by the Ku Klux Klan, and are unknown and not used by any other secret order in connection with the ap- plication of a candidate for membership.

Yet the common re- sult of these tests and investigations was that the applicant’s $16.50 was presently to be found in the hands of the Klan. Perhaps some appli- cants were refused ad- mission. If they were, this is one of the few really impenetrable secrets of the order.
The effects of this active canvassing soon showed themselves not only in disturbances of the peace, both in the cities and inthe ru- ral districts, but also in political develop- ments. Clarke and Mrs. Tyler were con- cerned primarily with making a living, Sim- mons with becoming a prominent figure in the world’s eyes; at all times the Klan leaders shrank back in horror when accused of dab- bling in politics; yet in one way or another the order swiftly became a political factor, first in Georgia, then in Alabama, Florida, and Texas, and to a lesser degree in Mississippi, Oklahoma, and Arkansas. In Atlanta, Birm- ingham, Houston, Dallas, Fort Worth, and else- where, the Klan had more or less sweeping and more or less transitory political successes. It elected the present Governor of Georgia; it elected a majority of the lower house of the Texas legislature last fall; it elected Earle B. Mayfield, junior senator from Texas; it cap- tured the Oklahoma legislature, although it lost the governorship; it frightened the politicians

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182
of Florida so that few of them dare mention it above a whisper; it captured Pulaski county, Arkansas, and with it the city of Little Rock.
This political power is one which, in the nature of things, cannot last, and it is already past its climax, but it must still be reckoned with. Its only disability—an amusing one from some angles—-is that the Klan does not seem to know what to do with its power, ex- cept to use it, in the fashion made familiar by Tammany, to find jobs, privileges, and exemp- tions for its members, and possibly to remove from the schools a few young women who happen to be Catholics.
The social by-products of the Clarke and Tyler enterprise may be most profitably studied, per:aps, in Texas. Here its centres are Beaumont, Houston, Waco, Dallas, and Fort Worth. In the western counties it has not taken root, perhaps because the type of settler in those regions does not lend himself readily to the Klan discipline. In San An- tonio, where there is a considerable Catholic population and a strong Northern influence, the Klan’s outward manifestations have been feeble. Yet | talked with a distinguished Baptist clergyman of that city who had been persecuted by members of his own church because he dared to denounce the Klan as un-American and un-Christian. And even there the intrusion of the Klan had broken up old friendships, and brought suspicion and dislike between neighbors.
In Beaumo~ t the Klan has been very active, especially in tarring and feathering unfortun- ates who came under its moral condemnation. In Houston it at first took in nearly all “the best people,’’ but its five thousand or more members at present do not come under that category. Both in Beaumont and in Houston it flaunts itself in the public eye, and in the latter city has a clubhouse to which its mem- bers openly resort. In Houston, however, its prestige has been somewhat undermined by the presence in its ranks of spies who have a habit of contributing the minutes of its meet- ings to the Houston Chronicle. In Goose Creek, thirty miles outside of Houston, the Klan was believed to have been the inspira- tion of twenty whippings, of which the victim 4n at least one instance was a woman. In Waco, Dallas, and Fort Worth there were numerous whippings, in which private grudges frequently played a larger part than public morality.
Robert L. Duffus
é
The whippings stopped in Dallas and in Waco, somewhat more than a year ago, under circumstances which throw considerable light — on Klan psychology. In both cities the Klan’s membership was fairly well known. In both the members were given to under- stand that for each citizen thereafter whipped or abused by the Klan at least one Klansman would undergo a similar indignity. This warn- ing served its purpose, for the whippings ceased. Of course this prompt response made denials of Klan responsibility seem rather futile.
There is, in fact, abundant evidence of the Klan’s habitual lawlessness. One _illustra- tion is pertinent. The sheriff of Collin county was asked to join. He replied that he was unwilling to do so lest his oath as a Klans- man conflict with his oath of office. There- upon he was told that if the Klan contem- plated any illegal action his brother members would safeguard his conscience by carrying it out without his knowledge. A different experience was that of the sheriff of Young county, elected in 1920. This man, John Sayce by name, tacked up a notice saying that he was the supreme constituted police official, and meant to act-upon that supposition, but inviting the Klan to codperate with him in enforcing the law. He added that he would not tolerate mob violence by Klansmen or any oneelse. The Klan took this unfavorably and in 1922 defeated him by a vote of four to one.
Whippings were not, of course, the Klan’s only diversion. It resorted also to the boy- cott as a means of injuring its opponents. Many anti-Klan voters, it is said, stayed away from the polls at the Dallas election in 1922 for fear their names would be taken down and steps taken to hurt their business or profes- sional practice. A Dallas baker was boy- cotted because he used a brand of flour man- ufactured by an opponent of the Klan. Boy- cotts were also attempted against several Jewish mercantile establishments. But these failed in Dallas, as they did in Houston and other cities, when it was found that the boy- cott, like other aggressive measures, was a weapon two could use.
In this necessarily sketchy account of a very complex situation | have spoken of “the Klan” as though it were a singleminded and homogeneous organization. Such, perhaps, it did appear to outsiders, and as such it must



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How the Ku Klux Klan Sells Hate 183
be judged at the bar of public opinion. Yet it was, and is, in fact, all things to all men. In Houston it enlisted for a time the support of labor, or at least of the labor politicians; in Waco it promised employers assistance in the campaign against the labor unions; in Dallas it was organized by the head of the power and transit corporations; in Fort Worth its real head, a man who is said to dominate the Texas
or true that condemns every man who ever joined, and no campaign against the Klan is likely to succeed that does not admit the defensible motives of many who _ joined. Blanket denunciations merely force together the factions existing within the Klan ranks, and postpone the inevitable disintegration. This may. be admitted, | believe, even though it is pretty evident that whether the Klan enlists the “best peo-

Klans, is a member of a firm representing na- tional oil, packing, and power interests, and formerly representing the brewing interests; and in many cases the man who lays the lash across the bootlegger’s back isnot improbably a bootlegger himself. In Dallas 90 per cent. of the bootleggers were said to have joined.
An astute observer listed for my benefit six classes of klansmen, as follows: (1) the organ- izers and promoters; (2) business men, who joined to get or keep trade; (3) politicians; (4) preachers, honest fanatics, and people who have been misled as to the Klan’s real inwardness; (5) the “horse play” crowd, “joiners,” men looking for excitement; (6) bootleggers, joining for protection. To this list might be added a seventh classification of those who are well aware that they were swindled, and have quietly withdrawn or lost interest without any formal resignation.
The existence of these varieties of Klans- men makes it clear why there are, relatively, good and bad Klans; why there are murders in Mer Rouge and atrocities in Goose Creek, whereas the Klansmen in the Oklahoma legislature and in Arkansas are described as being among the most intelligent and repu- table citizens; and numerous other contradic- tions. No consideration of the Klan is fair


DR. MCKOIN
A former mayor of Mer Rouge who was arrested in All defl ais Baltimore, and was taken back to Louisiana for the Will deflate of its own hearing at Bastrop
ple” or the worst, keeps the letter of the law or openly defies it, its ultimate influ- ence is always evil. Thus this cumber- some monster of an organization, ill- planned in every way except as a means of raising money to line the pockets of kleagles, goblins, and wizards, sprawled its ungainly length across the mid- dle South, swelling to frightful proportions in 1921 and 1922, ex- hibiting an apparently great strength and vi- tality even in 1923, but ready to collapse under the prick of a pin thrust shrewdly home. Whether it

weakness, as the quarrel between Im- perial Wizard Evans and Emperor Simmons at this writing seems to promise, or under the thrusts of popular disapproval, remains to be seen.
In my next article | propose an apparent, although not a real digression, for the purpose of describing a movement which began in the South almost simultaneously with the Ku Klux and which is working for harmony and a genuine Americanism just as the Klan is striving for conflict and medievalism. Later I hope to take up the course of the order in the North and West, where conditions were en- countered widely different from those to be found south of the Mason and Dixon line.
A third article by Mr. Duffuss will appear in the World’s Work for July




MARTIN JOHNSON’S AFRICAN PHOTOGRAPHS
A Series of Wild Animal Photographs, and a Big Game Hunter’s Opinion of Them
CARL E.
N MY opinion, Martin Johnson is one of the best photographers of wild life now living. Certainly the pictures he has brought back from Africa (of which those that follow are representative) are among
the best pictures of wild life in Africa that | have ever seen.
Just as photographs, they are magnificent. But, better yet, as natural history they are absolutely authentic. No one who has not had personal experience, both of African game and of African game hunters, can realize what wild ideas the latter have perpetrated about the former. These erroneous ideas range all the way from the blood-and-thunder stories of emotional hunters who have only killed and not observed, to the equally melodrama- tic and equally fake stories of cold-blooded Nature fakers, whose motive has been to capitalize popular fallacies by appealing to the public’s love of the adventurous, the marvelous, and the dangerous. Paul du Chaillu started a fashion in African story telling that seems almost impossible to correct. He made of the utterly mild and humanly inquisitive gorilla a ferocious, man-eating monster, thirsting for human blood. Other writers have made of the rhinoceros, who really is the most monumental bluffer of the animal kingdom, an entirely fearless and savagely hostile beast. This tendency to warp the facts has its origin in the egotism of the Mighty Hunter complex.
Only recently have scientists gone into the African wilds, intent upon learning the truth about the habits and characters of these mythological creatures that heated fancy had made familiar to the public mind. These men have made patient studies, accurate measurements, scientific observations. They have found most of the legends to be wrong. But they have found the truth to be as fascinating as the fairy tales, and, toa normal mind, equally exciting.
Martin Johnson’s greatest merit, therefore, is that he has produced a thrilling and popular motion picture of African wild life that is
AKELEY
also true to the facts. His animals are wild animals—not specimens borrowed from a zoo; and they are photographed in their na- tive haunts—not tied to convenient bushes in the vicinity of the zoo. And what he says about them is sound natural history. His pictures are thrilling, not because they sat- isfy the blood lust of the savage within us, but because they portray the novel and fascina- ting truth.
He had adventures, too. When I say again, what | have so often said, that African game is not dangerous to man, | mean of course that it is not dangerous to the man who does not attempt to interfere with its normal habits of life. Wild animals do not attack unoffending men. But if men trespass upon them, approach so close or under such unexpected circumstances as to make the animals think he is attacking them or viola- ting their home, then wild animals do ex- actly what self-respecting men do, and that is, fight. Now, to take photographs, at close range, of these wary and really timid crea- tures, the photographer must often approach to a position that makes the animals have this feeling of attack or intrusion. And when the animals do fight, in consequence, they are just as dangerous as the wildest stories ever written about them. And this kind of adventure, most of us who have observed African wild life at close range have had. Martin Johnson has had such adventures, and he has caught them with the motion picture camera. But it is to his credit that he has not felt that he had to falsify the facts about the wild animals in order to make his adventures more thrilling. He has told the truth, and, as usual, the truth is stranger than fiction.
It is for this reason that I am glad to en- dorse him and his pictures. And it is for this reason that the American Museum of Na- tural History, for the first time in its history, has endorsed a motion picture performance and permitted a photographer to use that official endorsement as a recommendation of his work to the public.



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© Martin Johnson
A YOUNG GERENUK
“One of the shyest and most inapproachable of the gazelles is the gerenuk. The Swahelis call it the ‘little giraffe,’
because of its long neck and its long legs. It lives in the desert or in semi-arid regions, going in pairs or in small herds
of half a dozen or so. It grazes on the dry thorny desert plants, and | have never been able to find any native or any scientist or any big-game hunter who has ever seen or heard of a gerenuk taking a drink”

© Martin Johnson ELEPHANTS AT A WATER HOLE NEAR LAKE PARADISE
“Mrs. Johnson and I watched the elephants of the Lake Paradise region by the hour. They came down to the deep-set water-holes slowly, carefully testing each step of the way with their feet before they trusted their great weight to it. hen they idled about in the pool, running inquisitive trunks over the surfaces of the rocks or just standing lazily, half asleep, knee deep in the water. Our boys had many tales to tell us of the elephants. They said that an enraged elephant would pull up a tree by the roots and use it as a weapon; natives who had been attacked by elephants showed the scars of wounds that they really believed to have been made by such gigantic clubs. And we heard that somewhere in Africa was a great elephant with four tusks, two turning up and two turning down, and another whose tusks trailed on the ground, and still another whose tusks were so heavy that two young bulls had to accompany him, one on each side, to help him carry them”


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~~ ; © Martin Johnson
A TYPICAL AFRICAN LANDSCAPE
“The lovely Guaso Nyiro River, at the edge of the Kaiseet desert, was a good place for fishing but a poor place for photo- graphing animals. It never pays to set up a camera on a river bank, for if, as usually happens, the animals become suspicious of the presence of the photographer, they can simply withdraw and drink in safety, well beyond his range. The ideal spot for hunting with a camera is a water hole several miles distant from any other water. The photographer may have to wait several days for his quarry, but in the end thirst conquers fear, and the animals come to drink”




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McADOO'S CHANCES FOR THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINATION
The Influence That Woodrow Wilson May Bring to Bear on the Democratic Nomination and Its Relation to McAdoo. Other Po- litical Factors Affecting the Former Secretary of the Treasury
By MARK
IRST of all, Wilson. Not that there
is the faintest possibility of his being
the Democratic nominee, but be-
cause he will certainly have some
influence in determining the plat- form, because he may influence the choice of the candidate, and because he provides a convenient introduction to the discussion of another personality who at this moment is probably a little farther in the lead than any other Democratic possibility.
However, the present purpose is merely to speak of Mr. Wilson’s relation to the coming Democratic Presidential situation. To do that adequately, it is desirable to describe his relation to the Democratic nomination of 1920. One feels a little venturesome in pro- posing to “describe Wilson’s relation to the Democratic nomination of 1920.” That is a thing which | am not sure any one can do adequately.
Many persons thought that Wilson wanted that 1920 nomination for himself. Some thought it cynically; some thought it sympa- thetically. The present writer did not think it at all, except in a sense to be explained in a moment. It is a fact that many of Mr. Wilson’s actions during the months preceding the San Francisco Convention (and even more strongly, many of his reticences, his re- fraining from actions which the circum- stances seemed to call for) were such as to justify the sense of inscrutability, the highly charged atmosphere of surmise and specula- tion which surrounded his attitude. In that 1920 pre-convention campaign for the Demo- cratic nomination, there were two candidates who were universally regarded as obvious, and who in the later stages cut so large a figure that each of them got close to half the dele- gates. One was a member of Mr. Wilson’s cabinet, Attorney-General Palmer. Another
SULLIVAN
was Mr. Wilson’s son-in-law and formerly a member of his cabinet, Mr. McAdoo. And it is a fact that for months—months during which every necessity of their ambitions called on them to announce their candidacy, to give the word their friends clamored for, and to take active steps—during those months both men remained silent; and the cause of their self-enforced silence was ap- prehension lest Mr. Wilson might disapprove. One of them, Mr. McAdoo, never did venture to announce his candidacy. Even to persons so well equipped as they to know, or infer, what Mr. Wilson wanted, even to such a con- centration of intelligence as their self-interest must have caused them to focus on the ques- tion, the answer remained one with the Sphinx. It is not necessary to assume, of course, that the fears of these men were based on the suspicion that Mr. Wilson might want the nomination for himself. Their apprehensions may well have dwelt on the possibility that he had some man in mind other than himself, and other than them. Or they may have apprehended that Mr. Wilson, without having in mind either himself or any other definite person, might yet have had cer- tain specifications, especially about the candi- date’s relation to the issue of the League of Nations. And in Mr. McAdoo’s case, there were additional possible reasons for appre- hension lest Mr. Wilson might not approve of his running, reasons which will be alluded to in a moment.
All this is wholly im the world of surmise and speculation. Neither as to himself, or as to any other man, did Wilson ever give a sign either that he wanted the renomination himself, or that he had any preference among the other aspirants. Even the most promi- nent Democratic leaders, and even Wilson’s most intimate friends, the men who saw him



194
Mark Sullivan

and talked to him frequently, never had an inkling about what his wishes might be. They used to call on him and talk with him and go away baffled. They would seek out other persons who had talked with him and compare notes. But they never were able to come to any conclusion, and the present writer fully believes that there is not a living man who can say whether Wilson had any wishes about the 1920 convention, or what those wishes were. Whether Wilson may have wanted the 1920 nomination himself or may have hoped that whether he wanted it or not, and whether or not he would care to accept it, it might be tendered to him as a mark of confidence in himself and as an endorsement of the great policy in which his heart was en- gaged, the League of Nations— as to all that, whatever may have gone on in Mr. Wilson’s mind, no human being knows. It was wholly a thing that took place within the boundaries of his own skull, and he kept it within those limits. The only tangible thing the present writer ever ran across in the course of a rather close contact with the situation, was an episode that happened about the time the convention was actually getting under way. There was a long-distance wire from the White House to San Francisco. Over this wire at least one person in the conven- tion, the Democratic chairman, Homer S. Cummings, used occasionally to send mes- sages to Wilson. (There may have been one other person in San Francisco who had ac- cess to this wire, but very probably not more than one at most in addition to Cummings). Wilson himself never talked over the wire, but merely received messages. Such mes- sages or information as he sent back to San Francisco had to do wholly with the platform and similar matters, and never with the choice of the candidate. At one point during the transmission of these messages Mr. Wilson commanded the man at the White House end of the wire that he must never attempt to influence the choice of a candidate “by so

and a


possible

© Underwood & Underwood WILLIAM GIBBS MCADOO Formerly Secretary of the Treasury, son-in-law of Ex-President Wilson,
Democratic nominee for the Presidency in 1924
much as the raising of a finger.” As narrated to the writer, Mr. Wilson’s manner in laying down this injunction, was emphatically im- pressive. He repeated twice the phrase, “Not by so much as the raising of a finger.” At this point, before taking up the case of another person, and of the present situation generaliy, it may be well to finish with Mr. Wilson by speaking of his present relation to the coming 1924 campaign. It is a fact that Wilson’s health is improved. That is obvious to everybody in Washington who happens to see him in his occasional drives or on his visits to the theatre. It is even more obvious to those intimates who occasionally call on him. It is also true that Wilson takes the keenest interest in public affairs, that he reads much, and occasionally makes notes of his reflections on his reading. But deci- dedly the overwhelming judgment is that Wilson is not now, and will not be by



McAdoo’s Chances for the Democratic Nomination 195
1924, in such a state of health as to justify his being a candidate for the presidency. This conviction is shared, though with regret, by even the most ardent of the Wilson devotees.
But while it can be taken for granted that Wilson will not personally be available for renomination, there remains a broad field in which he can be active, and in some parts of which he probably will be active. He can be active in the selection of the candidate and he can be active in the making of the party’s policy. Whether he will be active in the se- lecting of the candidate is perhaps more doubtful than whether he will be active in laying a hand on the making of the platform. For one thing, many Democrats who are most averse to Mr. Wilson having any say in the choice of the candidate, would nevertheless be glad to have his help in the laying down of party policies. These Democrats who have no particular kindliness for Mr. Wilson person- ally, and even a decided feeling that the Wilson brand on the candidate would be unfortunate, nevertheless would regard his help in the writ- ing of a platform as an asset. There are practical: politicians, who themselves func- tion best in the field of organization, and in the other more severely practical aspects of politics, but who recognize that politics has an intellectual phase, and like to have some- one to rely on in the réle of what they would describe crudely as “an intellectual expert” in the same sense that they would speak of a “financial expert.” And for Woodrow Wilson in this role they have a most extravagant re- gard. They recall his state papers, the “Fourteen Points” that gripped the imagi- nation of the world, his letters to the German Government, his addresses to Congress leading up to the war, the mere phrases and detached sentences with which he was able to catch universal attention and swing the course of events. Having the memory of all this in mind, they would like nothing better than to have the benefit of Wilson’s ability in picking out great issues, and phrasing those issues so happily as to arouse the emotions of the electorate.
Because of all this, and also because there must flow from Mr. Wilson personally the wish to have certain ideas near to his heart put into the campaign (it would be more accurate to say his unwillingness to have the campaign go by without taking account of his ideas), it is probable that as the 1924 con-
vention approaches there will come from Mr. Wilson public statements, letters—and even public addresses are not wholly impossible— looking to what the platform should be, or at least a portion of it. It is easy to conceive of Mr. Wilson, a few weeks before the 1924 Democratic convention, picking out one of those convenient friends to whom he some- times addresses letters meant ultimately for wider reading, and writing a letter stating his views on the platform. Such a message from Wilson, while it would purport to direct it- self wholly to the matter of platform, might readily, if well laid out with relation to the aspirants for the nomination, go far toward cutting the cloth of the suit which the candi- date should fit.
It should be said in some qualification of all this that while many Democrats would be glad to have the benefit of Wilson’s ideas on the platform, and the benefit of his thought and gift of speech, there is one aspect of the party platform about which they are timorous as to Mr. Wilson’s dictation. Every Demo- crat knows that the party next year must take some position or other on international relations. That position may lie anywhere between the extreme of standing for the League of Nations as originally written, the same as they stood for it in 1920; and the ex- treme of being silent on this subject. Many of the Democratic leaders would be dis- mayed at the idea of duplicating their posi- tion of 1920, because they fear that the du- plication of attitude on the League of Nations might lead to a duplication of the disastrous result in the election. At least this is their feeling just now. And yet the vitality of the sentiment for international codperation, for steps toward permanent peace, is such that even the most practical politician has mo- ments when he is willing to admit it as among the possibilities that in 1924 there might flare up again such an emotion of idealism as would make the League of Nations, not the liability that it was in 1920, but rather the asset it was in, let us say, the early part of 19109, when Wilson first brought it to America, and when a majority of the people, including most of the Republican leaders, were in favor of it. Nevertheless, it is with fear rather than with hope that most of the more practi- cal, the more “hard-boiled’’ Democratic leaders, look forward to what Wilson may do of his own initiative in the way of laying



196
down the law on what the Democratic posi- tion on foreign relations in 1924 must be.
Let us now turn from Mr. Wilson to his son-in-law, Mr. McAdoo. And the first thing to say is that in doing this, in phrasing it this way, in coupling the two names, there is the appearance of an unfairness which must be specifically disavowed and cleared away. The very act of writing about the two men in the same article tends to add to the mo- mentum of an implication, entirely false and unfair to both men, which implication was the greatest handicap under which McAdoo suffered in 1920, a handicap but for which he might readily have got the nomination. This handicap to McAdoo had great weight in 1920. It cannot have so much in 1924, but it is the business of a fair person to try to see to it that it should have none; for it does not exist in truth, and therefore ought not to be permitted to be used by McAdoo’s opponents. This handicap to McAdoo in 1920 centred around the fact, already alluded to, that he was not an avowed candidate. At no time did he say that he was a candidate; at no time did he authorize anybody to speak for him or act for him. Even during the height of the 1920 convention, when the McAdoo leaders were almost frantic with excited clamoring for a word from him, he refused to talk with them over the long-distance ’phone.
And this handicap of Mr. McAdoo’s own silence rested in turn on what has already been suggested in dealing with Mr. Wilson, in the earlier part of this article. The reason for Mr. McAdoo’s silence lay almost wholly in the fact that he was Woodrow Wilson’s son- in-law, that Wilson was in the White House, and in the questions of taste and propriety which arose out of this relationship. As | have already said, there were plenty among the cynical who said that McAdoo’s hesitancy about announcing himself in 1920 was due to apprehension that Wilson might want the nomination for himself, or might expect that the convention would, by a generous gesture, offer him the nomination and give him the opportunity of declining it. But it is not necessary to be so cynical as to assume that because McAdoo refrained from announcing himself, and refrained out of consideration for his relation to Wilson, it was this particular phase of the relationship that held him back. We can assume another reason, based, it is true, on the relationship of the two men, but


Mark Sullivan
on a different aspect of that relationship. We can take it for granted that McAdoo feared, not his father-in-law’s selfishness, not his jealousy, but rather his rigid standards of good taste and propriety.
McAdoo in 1920 undoubtedly took into account the certainty that if he should an- nounce himself as a candidate while his father-in-law was in the White House, it would be said that he was a “dynastic” can- didate. He may even have had a fear that if he should announce himself formally, his father-in-law in the White House would take some public step in deprecation of it. Mr. Wilson’s austerity, his sense of propriety in public matters, his trait of going his own gait according to his own ideas, is very thoroughgoing. It is not modified by even so appealing a condition as the fact that the man affected by his austerity happens to be the husband of his daughter. If McAdoo had formally announced himself as a candidate in 1920, Wilson would not have hesitated to take some formal public action adverse to his son-in-law, if he thought the conditions called for it.
Of course it is not asserted, necessarily, that the questions of taste and propriety in- volved in Wilson’s personal relationship to McAdoo, compose the whole of Wilson’s re- flections about the desirability of McAdoo as a Democratic candidate either in 1920 or in 1924. In addition to that, Wilson may have had in 1920, or may have in 1924, notions about the ideal Democratic candidate which McAdoo does not happen to come up to. Indeed, the current gossip, in the circles best informed is that Wilson to-day is no more in- clined to coéperate toward getting the presi- dency for his son-in-law than he was in 1920. In fact, indifference toward his son-in-law’s elevation is the mildest of the words used to describe the state of mind attributed to him.
Nevertheless, Wilson is not and cannot be the handicap to McAdoo that he was in 1920. After the interval of four years, McAdoo suffers no longer under the aspersion that it is a case of a man in the White House trying to perpetuate a dynasty. In that year, partly he was unwilling to avow himself as a candi- date for fear the action might be displeasing to Wilson; and partly he was compelled to anticipate that if he should announce his candidacy, his enemies would make the most of the assumption, whether false or true, that



McAdoo’s Chances for the Democratic Nomination
he was being forced on the country by the White House. (The first of these reasons destroys the second. Nevertheless, McAdoo had to take account of both). The Republi- cans in 1920 fully hoped to make the most of this kind of charge. They both feared and hoped that McAdoo would be the candidate. They feared it because they knew he would be a vigorous cam- paigner, and a figure whose dashing gal- lantry would attract the public. They hoped it because they knew they could use against him the dynas- ticargument, and they already had their ar- mories provided with such epithets as “Crown Prince” and “perpetuating the dynasty.”
If McAdoo was able to make the showing he did make in 1920, under the handicap of not avowing his can- didacy and the other handicaps associated with what was then his relation to the White House, it is clear that he can do better in 1924. There were in 1920 great groups of the Democratic masses

197
There was another and wholly different handicap that McAdoo suffered under in 1920. That was the fact that he wasa citizen of New York, and that the Democratic or- ganization of that state was violently opposed to him. It is almost a political axiom that a man cannot get his party’s nomination for the Presidency without the initial impulse that comes from en- dorsement by his own state organization. The New York State organization hated McAdoo, partly for himself, and hated him partly, also, for his re- lation to Wilson. The organization had never got along either with Wilson as President or with McAdoo as Sec- retary of the Treasury. Wilson, in his appoint- ments to office, was pointedly neglectful of the party organization in NewYork. McAdoo was almost equally so. The result was that McAdoo was not able at any time to com- mand more than a scant ten or a dozen of New York’s_ ninety delegates, even when the delegation was not
© Underwood & Underwood voting as a unit.
who would have been glad to swingin behind McAdoo, but were de- terred and chilled by his silence. Even of more weight, there
MRS. MCADOO
Formerly Eleanor Wilson, daughter of the ex-president.
Because Mr. McAdoo is a son-in-law of Woodrow Wilson
he was called, when he was suggested (without his permis-
sion) for the 1920 nomination for President, the “Crown
Prince.” Opposition to him in 1924 because of his rela-
tionship to the former president, however, is likely to be insignificant.
This handicap Mc- Adoo has lifted from himself by the simple device of moving to California. When Mc- Adoo made this change
were important Dem-
ocratic leaders who wanted McAdoo to have the nomination, but who were unable to raise a hand, partly because they could get no word from him, and partly because they too, being friends of Wilson, had the same fear that McAdoo had, lest Wilson should take their activity as an offence. All this no longer exists. McAdoo in 1924 will stand on his own feet, and will be able to avail himself of his natural strength, and of the help of all his friends.
of residence it was given out that he was going to Los Angeles because there was better promise for a budding lawyer in that community. It was also said, and well understood to be a fact, that McAdoo suffers from a slight irritation of the bronchial tubes, which amounts to nothing, but which is provoked to the point of a small inconvenience by the harsh east winds of New York’s winters. But the cynical among us were ready to say, and even the humorously friendly among us counted it as an entirely harmless political



198
euphemism, that Mr. McAdoo’s change of resi- dence was suggested no less by the greater salubrity of the California climate, than by the greater political salubrity of the Cali- fornia Democratic organization.
If McAdoo, laboring under these handi- caps, was able to make the showing he did in 1920, then clearly he should do better in 1924 It might almost be

Mark Sullivan
To a con- siderable extent their following is identical. For example, many persons want McAdoo because they think he could manage the rail-
Ford that they overlap each other.
roads well. But the same persons think that Ford could manage the railroads well. Much, perhaps most, of the progressive sentiment in the Democratic party looks kindly on
. McAdoo. But at the

said that McAdoo is certain to have more delegates in the 1924 convention than he had in the 1920 one. And inasmuch as Mc- Adoo at one point in the 1920 convention, reached upward of 400 delegates, it is clear that on the assumption that he is more favor- ably situated this year, he should have close to half the total number of delegates in the convention, which total is 1089. This last sentence would be a pretty formidable statement of Mc- Adoo’s present strength if it were not for two qualifications. The first is that ina Democratic conven- tion a mere majority of the delegates is not sufficient to nominate. The Democratic rule is that two-thirds are required. (In Repub- lican conventions a mere majority is enough.)
The other qualifications to the prediction that McAdoo will have half of the delegates next year, centres about Henry Ford. If Henry Ford becomes active, or if his present large but unorganized following should find a leadership able to make itself effective in the primaries and otherwise, then in that event Ford may get a good many of the delegates who otherwise would go to McAdoo. If Ford were not in the situation, it would be possible to predict with a good deal of cer- tainty that McAdoo would enter the con- vention with a full half of the delegates. But it is the handicap both of McAdoo and of


WILLIAM GIBBS MCADOO At the age of three
same time, much of that sentiment in the farming states of the Middle West looks with asmuchor greater kindliness on Henry Ford.
Aside from these qualifications, if you consider the handicaps under which he was in 1920, consider also that in spite of those hand- icaps he had upward of 400 out of the 1089 delegates, and consider finally that McAdoo this year is free from those handicaps of 1920, then it is neces- sary to admit the strength of his present position.
But while McAdoo’s position is greatly im- proved as compared with 1920, he still hasa residuum of implac- able opposition. This opposition comes from the “old guard” type of Democratic organ- ization leader. These leaders in other states than New York have the same grievance against McAdoo that the New York leaders had. Most of it comes down to patronage. Organization leaders in both parties think that appointments of postmasters, marshals, judges, and the like, should always be made on the recommendation of the local leaders; and the recommendations of the local leaders usually put party serviceability first, and take the matter of efficiency for granted. This point-of-view McAdoo used to ignore. From the standpoint of the high-brow, the civil service reformer and the like, the implacable opposition to McAdoo by some




McAdoo’s Chances for the Democratic Nomination
organization leaders is an asset to his credit. McAdoo as Secretary of the Trea- sury had a great quantity of patronage to give out; as to most of it he proceeded along lines which kept the wishes of the local party organization secondary to other considera- tions. It was during McAdoo’s administra- tion of the Treasury that the Federal Reserve System was put into operation. And in the selection of local directors and local officials, McAdoo ignored politics in favor of banking experience and efficiency, to a degree which accounts for much of the intensity of op- position to him on the part of the old guard leaders. In the 1920 convention, a certain Western state had twenty-six delegates. Of the twenty-six, eleven were ardently de- sirous of McAdoo’s nomination. But fifteen of them were of the old guard type, wholly under the domination of a “hard-boiled,” old guard, state leader.. This leader was a man of such determination of personality that he was able to enforce the unit rule, and con- tinued to cast twenty-six votes against McAdoo to the end.
Aside from leaders and details of organiza- tion, McAdoo’s favor with the people at large rests on a certain impression of him that has got abroad as a man of activity, of quick de- cision—a gallant fighting personality alto- gether. There is a bit of political verse which reflects this popular picture of McAdoo. It was written at the time he was closing his term as Secretary of the Treasury. The writer of the present article first saw it in the shape of a typewritten sheet of paper which was passed from hand to hand here in Wash- ington for such amusement as it might give to the inner circles. Since that time, the present writer has published this bit of verse widely in a syndicate of newspapers, coupled with a request that whoever wrote it should come forward and admit the possession of so much cleverness as the verses prove. No one, however, has claimed the authorship, and so far as the writer of this article can find out, it is still unknown. The verse is re- printed here for the appropriateness it has, partly as a clever bit of political satire, and partly as a picture of McAdoo:
“The Who, preéminently Who,
Is William Gibbs, the McAdoo.
(Whom I should like to hail, but daren’t, As Royal Prince and Heir Apparent.)
A man of high Intrinsic Worth,
The Greatest Son-in-law on Earth— With all the burdens thence accruing, He’s always up and McAdooing. From Sun to Star and Star to Sun,
His work is never McAdone.
He regulates our Circumstances,
Our Buildings, Industries, Finances, And Railways, while the wires buzz To tell us what he McAdoes.
He gave us (Heaven bless the Giver) The tubes beneath the Hudson River. I don’t believe he ever hid
A. single thing he McAdid!
His name appears on Scrip and Tissue, On bonds of each succeeding issue,
On coupons bright and posters rare, And every Pullman Bill of Fare.
Postscript.
But while with sympathetic croodlings, I. sing his varied McAdoodlings,
And write these eulogistic lines,
That thankless McAdoo resigns.”’
Aside from the picture these verses give of McAdoo as a man of action, a “go-getter,”’ there is an allusion to one of the things that is a great asset to him as a Presidential as- pirant. These verses hint that the wide- spread advertising McAdoo received as Secre- tary of the Treasury, when the Liberty Loan drives brought the Treasury and its head to the attention of the farthest hamlet, and also as head of the railroads during the period of government management, was not wholly guileless. Whether casually or by design, whether with a view to future am- bitions, or because of the devoted zeal of the young men he had about him. (It was a trait of McAdoo’s personality to inspire de- voted personal loyalty among his assistants), it is a fact that the name of William G. McAdoo was not kept under a bushel. That conspicuous reiteration of it on railroad time- tables, Liberty Loan posters, Pullman bills-of- fare and the like, makes him to-day the most widely-advertised of all the regular Demo- cratic aspirants, the name most familiar to the public. And this mere familiarity of his name makes it greatly easier for his friends, gives them an initial impulse as against all others—except Henry Ford—in any primary fight that may develop for the delegates in any state. The widespread familiarity with the names of William McAdoo and Henry Ford is a mere accident of their careers. It has nothing to do with statesmanship, or



200
with qualifications for the presidency. But under the direct primary system, it has great practical weight.
McAdoo’s support from the mass of the people is based on that mysterious appraisal of personality which goes on as to every pub- lic man. They think of him as gallant, dash- ing, a fighter, vital, impetuous. Aside from such general support as he has from the public as a whole, there are certain definite groups who are aggressively in favor of him. Of these, probably the chief is the railroad workers. The railway unions liked the way McAdoo ran the railroads when he was in charge of them during the war—however much dispute of judgment there may be about that on the part of others. McAdoo’s op- ponents are prone to sneer that the reason the railroad workers favor McAdoo is that he raised their wages. But there was more to it than this. McAdoo did raise the wages of the railroad workers. To a degree this was a mere formality called for by changing conditions. The war was a period of rising prices, and readjustments of wage scales were in order. McAdoo’s critics, however, claim that he went much farther than merely to raise the wages of the railroad workers to a point where they participated equitably in the universal rise. In this criticism there is much justice. Any wholesale readjustment of wages and working conditions dictated by one man from Washington on a rule-of-thumb basis, which looked upon all sections of the country alike, necessarily included many of the mistakes inherent in every effort to manage anything whatever from Washing- ton on a country-wide basis. Some of Mc- Adoo’s raises of wages, some of his rearrange- ments of working conditions, worked out in ways that were grotesque in their ex- travagance.
But there is more to the railroad workers’ liking for McAdoo than the mere fact that they got higher wages from him. In the af- fection they acquired for McAdoo and still have for him, there was something of that spirit which flows from all workers toward any natural leader of men—something of that devotion and that capacity for hard work that goes with the mere fact that the man at the top is a high-spirited person who generates the sort of atmosphere that enlists loyalty. McAdoo is a “do-er,” and it is that in- tangible but vital quality of his person-

Mark Sullivan
ality that causes the railroad workers as well as many others to have warmth of feel- ing for him.
One of the things that McAdoo did as head of the railroad administration has had curious consequences, and, if he should be nominated for the presidency, might have a striking po- litical result. Among other things, McAdoo decreed what he called “equal wages for equa! work.” In the South this meant that colored brakemen and colored fireman should get the same wages as white brakemen and white firemen. Under the private administration of the railroads this had not been the case. It had been the rule to hire workers for what- ever wages it was necessary to pay in order to get them; and as the railroad manage- ments in the South could get colored workers cheaper than white workers, they paid lower wages to the former. This action of McAdoo in equalizing wages appealed to the colored workers as the tangible sign of a fundamental sense of justice. The incident has been passed by word of mouth to every colored community in the United States; and the re- sult is that McAdoo has among his personal following more colored men than probably any Democrat since the Cival War. The difficulty of persuading a colored man to vote for a Democrat is well-known and axio- matic in politics. Democratic Senators and other Democratic public men in the South will tell you of relations with colored servants and colored dependents which, on the personal side, are of the utmost intimacy and de- votion. They will tell you of colored men who will endure danger for them, will fight for them, would cheerfully commit perjury for them, or go to jail for them. But there is one point at which this devotion always stops. On election day, the most devoted Negro friend of a Democratic politician will not go to the polls and vote for him. But McAdoo’s action in equalizing wages has probably gone farther toward -chang- ing this intense fidelity of the colored voters to the Republican party than anything else that has ever happened. A traveler in Mississippi not long ago got a good laugh out of finding a little colored boy who was named “William McAdoo Black,” a sign of honor and affection more frequent in the case of Republican candidates for the presidency than Democratic ones. This devotion of considerable numbers of Negroes to McAdoo


8



McAdoo’s Chances for the Democratic Nomination

MR. AND MRS. McADOO With their two children
might readily be a decisive asset to him if he should win the Democratic nomination. If ever a Democratic leader arises, or if ever any condition develops, which will cause the colored voters of the North to vote Demo- cratic, or even to distribute their votes nor- mally between the parties, it will be such a disaster to the Republican party as it will feel for many a year. It is a fact that the colored communities of cities like Cincinnati, Cleveland, Indianapolis, and St. Louis are the deciding factors in the question of how those big doubtful states of Ohio, Indiana, and Missouri go in any election. In any election in which these large colored com- munities should vote the Democratic ticket, it would be fatal to Republican success in those states; and if fatal to Republican suc- cess inf those states, it would be close to fatal in the country as a whole. The figures would undoubtedly show that in any election since the Civil War, the majority by which the Republican party carried these doubtful
states was roughly a little less than the colored vote, which is the same as to say that if these colored communities should swing to a Democratic candidate, it would make the greatest difference in the results of any na- tional election. And these colored communi- ties in the big railroad centres of Indianapolis, St. Louis, and Cincinnati, happen to include groups of colored railroad workers to such an extent as probably to determine largely the attitude of the whole.
This article, the reader will recognize, does not purport to be any attempt at a balanced portrait of Mr. McAdoo. It is rather a dis- cussion of the practical aspects of his present relation to the 1924 situation. Any attempt at fair and accurate characterization would need to take account of certain of his out- standing qualities which affect different ob- servers in different ways according to their temperaments, making of some of them the most devoted partisans, and of others, violent critics.





ACTORS AND AUTHORS AND SUCH
lV My Meetings with Beerbohm Tree, Sarah Bernhardt, G. K. Chester-
ton, and E. W. Hornung.
CAME to know Beerbohm Tree, in many ways the greatest, and in more ways the worst, of our English actors. He was playing Caliban in “The Tempest” when I sought an interview with him on the subject of Shakespeare.
“Shakespeare! Shapespeare!”’ he said, leering at me with a beast-like face, ac- cording to the part he was playing, and claw- ing himself with ape-like hands. “I seem to have heard that name. Is there anything | can say about him? No, there is nothing. I’ve said all | know a thousand times, and more than | know more times than that.”
He could think of nothing to say about Shakespeare, but suggested that | should run away and write what I liked. I did, and it was at least a year before the article was published in a series of provincial papers, a long article in which | wrote all that | thought Tree ought to say, if he loved Shake- speare with anything like my own passion.
One evening | received a long telegram from him.
“Honor me by accepting two stalls any night at His Majesty’s and kindly call on me between the acts.”
| accepted the invitation, wondering at its effusiveness. When I called on him, he was playing Brutus, and clasped my hand as though he loved me.
“Little do you know the service you have done me,” he said. “My secretary told me the other night that | was booked for a lecture on Shakespeare at the Regent Street Poly-
technic. | had forgotten it. I had nothing prepared. It was a dreadful nuisance. | said “| won’t go.”’ He said, “I’m afraid you must.” Two minutes later a bundle
of press cuttings was brought to me. It con- tained your interview with me on the subject of Shakespeare. | read it with delight. | had no idea | had said all those things. What a memory you must have! I took the paper


Further Adventures of a Journalist By PHILIP GIBBS
to the Polytechnic, and delivered my lecture, by reading it word for word.”
After that | met Tree many times, and he never forgot that little service. In return he invited me to the Garrick Club, or to his great room at the top of His Majesty’s, and told me innumerable anecdotes which were vastly entertaining. He hada rich store of them and told them with a ripe humor and dramatic genius which revealed him at his best. His acting was marred by affectations that be- came exasperating, and sometimes by loss of memory and sheer carelessness. | have seen him actually asleep on the stage. It was
when he played-the part of Fagin in “Oliver ~
Twist,” and in a scene- where he had to sit crouched below a bridge, waiting for Bill Sikes, he dozed off, wakened with a start, and missed his cue.
Tree’s egotism was almost a disease, and in his last years his vanity and pretentiousness obscured his real genius. He was a great old showman, and at rehearsals it was remarkable how he could pull a crowd together and build up a big picture or intensify a dramatic mo- ment by some touch of “business.” But he played to the gallery all the time, and made a pantomime of Shakespeare—to the horror of the Germans when he appeared in Berlin! They would not tolerate him, and were scan- dalised that such liberties should be taken with Shakespearian drama, which they have adopted as their own.
Another great figure of the stage whom | met behind the scenes was Sarah Bernhardt, when she appeared at the Coliseum in Lon- don. She took the part of Adrienne Lecou- vreur, in which she was an unconscionable time a-dying, after storms of agony and mad passion. | had an appointment to meet her in her room after the play, and slipped round behind the scenes before she left the stage. Her exit was astonishing and touching. The whole company of the Coliseum and _ its


—
AH 0 FFs |=

eS FS F
a Ve Se



Actors and Authors and Such 203
fatigued. My words angered her instantly, as though they reflected upon her age.
“Sir,” she said harshly, “Il was as much fatigued when | first played that scene. Was it thirty years ago, or fortyP—I have for- gotten. It is the exhaustion of art, and not of nature.”
For several years while | was in Fleet Street, | lived opposite Battersea Park, in a row of high dwellings stretching for about a mile, and called Overstrand Mansions, Prince of Wales Mansions, and York Mansions. Nearly all the people in the road were of liter- ary, artistic, or theatrical avocations, either hoping to arrive at fame and fortune, or re- duced in circumstances after brief glory. The former class were in the great majority, and were youngish people, with youngish wives,


SIR HERBERT TREE
As Shylock in The Merchant of Venice
variety show, acrobats, jugglers, “funny” men, dancing girls, “‘star turns”’—had lined up in a double row to await this Queen of Tragedy, with homage. As_ she came off the stage, ‘George Robey, with his ted nose and ridiculous little hat, gravely offered his arm, with the air of Walter Raleigh in the presence of Queen Eliza- beth. She leaned heavily on his arm, and almost collapsed in the chair to which he led her. She was panting after her prolonged display of agony before the foot- lights, and for a moment | thought she was really dying.
| bent over her and said in French that I re- An actor of real genius whose carelessness and gretted she was so much egotism marred his otherwise brilliant stage career
SIR HERBERT BEERBOHM TREE


204
and occasionally, but not often, a baby on the balcony. G. K. Chesterton, who lived in the Overstrand Mansions, immediately over my head—I used to pray to God that he would not fall through—once remarked that if he ever had the good fortune to be shipwrecked on a desert island, he would like it to be with the entire population of the Prince of Wales Road, whom he thought the most interesting collec- tion of people in the world. | thought so too, and wrote a very bad novel about them, called “Intellectual Mansions, S. W.” That book appeared in the time of the militant Suffra- gettes, who were playing hell in London, and as my chief lady character happened to be a suffragette, they claimed it as their own, bought up the whole edition, bound it in their colors of purple, green, and white, and killed it stone dead.
| came to know G. K. Chesterton at that time and every time | saw him, admired more profoundly his great range of knowledge, his immense wit and fancy, his genial, jolly, and
GILBERT K. CHESTERTON
© Paul Thompson
As he appeared on his last visit to America
Philip Gibbs
passionately sincere idealism. From my ground-floor flat, every morning at ten I used to observe a certain ritual in his life. There appeared an old hansom cab, with an old horse and an old driver. This would be kept waiting for half an hour. Then G. K. C. would descend, a spacious and splendid figure in a big cloak and a slouch hat, like a brigand about to set forth on a great adventure, and though he was bound no further than Fleet Street, it was adventure enough, leading to great flights of fancy and derring-do. After him came Mrs. Chesterton, a little figure al- most hidden by her husband’s greatness. When Chesterton got into the cab, the old horse used to stagger in its shafts, and the old cab used to rock like a boat in a rough sea.
At luncheon time | often used to see G. K. C. in an Italian restaurant in Fleet Street where, with a bottle of port wine at his elbow, and a scribbling pad at his side, he used to write one of his articles for the Daily News, chuckling mightily over some happy paradox, which had just taken shape in his brain, and totally uncon- scious of any public observation of his private mirth.
As literary editor of The Tri- bune, | tried to buy Chesterton away from The Daily News, at double the price they paid him, but he was proof against this temptation. “The Daily News has been very good to me,” he said, “and though | loathe their point of view on many subjects, I’m not going to desert them now.” He agreed, however, to contribute to The Tribune from time to time, and as | had ar- ranged the matter, he had a kindly feeling toward me which led to an embarrassing but splendid moment in my life. At a preliminary banquet given by the proprietor of that un- fortunate paper to a crowd of distinguished people who ut- terly neglected to buy it, G. K. Chesterton sat, as one of the chief guests, at the high table. I had been obscurely placed at the back of the room, and this distressed the noble and gen- erous soul of my good friend.



Actors and Authors and Such
When he was asked to speak, he made some general and excellent observations, and then uttered such a panegyric of me that I was dissolved in blushes, especially when he raised his glass and asked the company to drink to me. Some of them, including the proprietor, were not altogether pleased with this demonstration in my favor, but, needless to say, I cherish it.
Among my happy recollections of G. K. C. is one day at luncheon hour when he was “suyed” by a group of factory girls in Fleet Street and took their playfulness with jovial humor, careless of his dignity; and an even- ing at the Guildhall when King Albert of Belgium was the guest, and | encountered Chesterton afterward wandering in the courtyard like the restless ghost of a wander- ing cavalier, afraid to demand his hat from the flunkeys because he had not the necessary shilling with which to tip them.
Chesterton is one of the grand figures of literary England, and will live in the history of our own time as one of the wittiest and wisest men, worthy of a place in the portrait gallery of the immortals. His great figure, his
overflowing humor, his splendid simplicity of faith in the ancient code of liberty and
truth, put him head and shoulders above the standardised type of little “intellectuals” with whom the world is crowded.
| have the pleasantest recollections of “Intellectual Mansions,” Battersea Park, but after living there for four years or so, | moved over the bridge to the little house | have already mentioned, in Holland Street, Kensington, a few yards away from the old world Paradise, Kensington Gardens. It was a little house in a little street, which | still think the most charming in London, with fine old Georgian mansions mixed up with little old shops, so that an Admiral lived next to a chimney sweep, and that great artist, Walter Crane, was two doors or so removed from an oil and colorman, who sold every- thing from treacle to paraffin. We had everything in Holland Street that adds to the charm of life—a public house at the corner, a German band which played all the wrong notes once a week, just as it ought to do, anda Punch and Judy Show.
A near neighbor and close friend of mine at that time was E. W. Hornung, the author of “Raffles” and many better books not so fa- mous. He was the brother-in-law of Conan
MR. CHESTERTON
As he looked at the time Philip Gibbs was his neighbor
Doyle, whose enormous success with Sherlock Holmes probably set his mind working on the character of that gentlemanly thief, Raffles, with whom, personally, | had no sympathy at all.
Hornung and | used to “jaw” about books and writing, and, as an obscure journalist and unsuccessful author, I used to stand in awe of his fine house, his powerful motor car, his son at Eton. He was a heavily built man, with a lazy manner and a certain, intolerance of view which made him despise Socialists, Radicals, or any critics of the British Empire and the old traditions, but | came to know the underlying sweetness and. sentiment of his character, and his passion of patriotism. He used to drive me sometimes to places like Richmond Park and Windsor Forest, and there we used to walk about under the trees, discussing the eternal subject of books. Deep peace was about us in those old woods. Neither he nor | imagined in our wildest flights of fancy that one day we would be living in a hole in the ground under the ruins of Arras, and that life and death would knock all thought of books out of our minds.
His boy was his greatest pride, a fine lad,





THE LATE SARAH BERNHARDT
Who, when Philip Gibbs expressed his concern over her fatigue after a trying
scene as “‘Adrienne Lecouvreur,”’ was instantly angered, thinking his re-
mark had reference to her age. ‘‘I was as much fatigued,” she cried angrily,
“when I first played that scene. Was it thirty years ago, or forty ?—I have forgotten. Itis the exhaustion of art, not of nature”
fresh from Eton, and steeped in the old tradi- tions which Hornung thought gave the only grace to the code of an English gentleman. (He had no patience with any other school of thought.) The boy stood one day on the curbstone in High Street, Kensington, on a day after war had been declared and the streets were placarded with posters, “ Your King and Country Need You.” He raised his hat to my wife, and said, “ Do you think | ought to join up?” He joined up, like all boys of his age, and, like most of them in the list of second lieutenants at that time, was killed very soon. His letters from the front were full of faith and pride. He loved his men, the splendor of being an officer, the thought of the great adventure ahead for England’s sake. He did not live into the
times of disillusion and the dull routine of His father was
mud and misery.
© Underwood & Underwood

206 Philip Gibbs
broken-hearted. His only idea now was how to get out to the front, in spite of being too old for soldiering, and too heavy, and too asthmatical. It was my idea that he should join the Y. M. C. A., and he seized it gladly as a chance of service and heart healing. | met him in his hut at Arras, serving out tea to muddy Tom- mies, finding a man, now and then, to his enormous joy, who had known his son. Always he was in the spiritual presence of that boy of his. For the sake of that, and for the men’s sake, he endured real agonies of physical discomfort in a draughty hut, with a stove which would not burn, and cocoa as his only drink. The fastidious author of “ Raffles,” who had been particular about his creature comforts, and careful of the slightest draught!
He started a lending library for soldiers in the trenches and I lent him a hand with it now and then. It was in a hut on the ruins of the Town Hall of Arras and because of the daily bombardment, he slept at night in a dug-out below an avalanche of stones. | promised to give a lecture to his men on the history of Arras, and “mugged it up” from old books in an old chateau. The date was announced, and posted up on a placard. It was the 21st of March, 1918! No British soldier needs reminding of the meaning of that date. It was when 114 German divisions attacked the British line and all hell was let loose, and, for a time, the bottom seemed to fall out of the world.
I did not deliver that lecture. | was away at the south of the line, recording frightful happenings. But I heard afterward, from Hornung, that through the smoke and dust of heavy shelling which churned up old rub- bish heaps of ruins in Arras, two Scottish soldiers in tin hats loomed up to hear the lecture. Poor Hornung survived the War, but not long. His soul was eager for that meeting with his son.



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ITALY’S REVOLUTIONARY CONSERVATIVES
How Fascism Came Into Being, and What It Is. The Possibilities for Service that are in the Hands of Mussolini and the Fascisti
By E. L. MAcVEAGH
“TI think we were all most impressed with Italy as being the most promising country of those in the war. We found an extraordinary popular enthusiasm behind the Mussolini policy. We found Mussolini unexpectedly outspoken in support of private initiative, and his opening address to the International Chamber was extraordinary in its strength of statement that the State must divest itself of all those functions which could be discharged by private enterprise, and especially commendatory of the system of capitalization, so-called.
“Now, tn a country such as Italy, which only two years ago saw its factories in the bands of communistic workmen, and from the mouth of a man who, five years ago, was the leading Socialist editor of Italy, these are extraordinarily strong statements. Such a change of front might at first arouse some apprehension as to the sincerity of it and the conviction behind it, but, after several dis- cussions with Mussolini, we came to the conclusion that it was a conviction based on experience and study and therefore lasting. And certainly the man has extraordinary power to put his policies into effect in Italy. That he is succeeding is shown by the fact that, without disturbance, with hardly any local criticism, he has already lowered the personnel of the State railways by 40,000, he has taken out of the postal service the parcel post service and turned that over to a private express company, his negotiations for the taking over of the State telephone system are well along and will shortly be consummated without doubt. That these are needed no one who has observed the working of the telephone and mail svstem, for instance, in Italy, can well doubt.
“As an illustration, business men in Rome, instead of attempting to use their phone system, have a system of private messengers to send their messages. ls a ae ee ec
“Now, these are great drags on the development of a people. Mussolini seems to have grasped thal, and to be determined to put all the vigor and stimulus of his power inlo these private enterprises which aid trade.
“Hydroelectric development and the great national capital of a people naturally industrious will offset measurably the lack of natural resources from which Italy suffers in industrial competi- tion.’”-—Juxius H. Barnes, President of the United States Chamber of Commerce, in a speech after his recent return from Italy.
HE present political situation in
Italy presents, at least in appear-
ance, striking anomalies. Was it
only yesterday that Bolshevist in-
trigue was undermining the fabric of the state, thereafter to jeopardize the social solidarity of western Europe? To-day we read that an extra-legal force, directed by a man whose watchword is rigid discipline, has seized control and promises to accomplish What many former premiers could not achieve. How have these things come about? How can such a complete transformation in public temper be explained?
The answer is simple and fitting to the nation: it is to be found in the Italian sense of historical continuity.
The Englishman considers his birth like his climate—a matter of course. Fortified by memories of centuries of national existence, as well as by partnership in his present world empire, he faces the world without reflecting upon the implications of his race. The Italian, on the other hand, believes his Latin ancestry has endowed him with sensibilities and capacities a shade above those of other Europeans. It is a constant irritation to him that others do not accept him at his own




E. L. MacVeagh
AN OATH TO SUPPORT MUSSOLINI

When the Fascisti marched on Rome and filled her streets and plazas with enthusiastic black-shirted throngs such
scenes as this were common, especially when Mussolini, the popular Fascisti leader, put in his appearance.
When this
picture was taken he had appeared on a balcony, which the camera did not include, but where he was visible to the
valuation. Political leaders during the Ri- sorgimento played upon his pride to galvanize him into cohesive action; the subsequent indifference of the Great Powers touched the same sentiment upon the quick. Conscious of his own economic inferiority, and suffering keenly under some recent diplomatic reverses, his national state of mind has been and still is one of exasperation.
The world war increased that rather morbid sense of Italianization, until now each citizen appears to carry a chip on his shoulder; Mussolini struts into conference with repre- sentatives of France and England daring them to try to knock it off. In that respect he voices a widespread feeling of dissatis- faction among his compatriots with the results of peace. Not only does Italy think that her military and economic sacrifices have not been appreciated, but she is convinced that she did not receive her just recompense at Versailles. Serbia was made into a great nation composed of ethnic elements despised by Italians and given a coast line rich in well protected harbors on a sea which Italy con- siders a part of her Venetian patrimony; Greece took over a large share of Thrace and Asia Minor, including Smyrna—regions where Italy has historical rights; and lastly, Italy received only a small share in the allotment of reparations.
The first evidences of post-war discontent were made manifest in the elections of Novem- ber, 1919. Upon the conclusion of hostilities
thousands in the plaza below

the king enlarged the franchise, and Parlia- ment passed two important measures: one modifying electoral laws effecting the scrutin de liste* and establishing proportional repre- sentation (August 15, 1919); the other making changes in the rules governing the registration of deputies and similar matters in the Chamber (July 26, 1920). The Senate remains an honorary, nominated body, but the other house is composed of members enrolled in various groups representing political parties, not interests, according to their strength in the country.
At these elections, however, many voters stayed away from the polls; and whether it were due to that fact or not, the returns showed that the Socialists had increased their number in the Chamber to one hundred and fifty-six after an astute campaign; and another party, the Partito Popolare, inspired by Roman Catholic ideas and principles, had suddenly acquired size and influence.
In the Chamber thus elected ignorance of parliamentary methods and procedure was so general that De Nicola, its president, had difficulty in engineering the passage of measures necessary for the return to a peace basis. Socialist deputies, carried away by recent electoral successes, and by what ap- peared to be the triumph of Spartacist colleagues in Germany and in Russia, were
*Scrutin de liste—in Italian scrutinio di lista—a term employed to describe the apportionment of deputies to electoral districts.



Italy’s Revolutionary Conservatives
loth to enforce order in the country, where high prices, slow demobilization, unemploy- ment, and the checking of immigration by the United States and others were contributing to the formation of an inchoate mass of revolutionary spirits. In consequence it soon became apparent that no premier could com- mand a majority large enough to administer the government effectively in the face of other coalitions; domestic politics rapidly became involved and embroiled enough to menace the actual foundations of the state itself.
Italian socialism is a phenomenon apart which offers a key to comprehension of events in the kingdom during and since the war. Acts of violence have repeatedly marred its history. Followers of Mazzini and Garibaldi early lent impetus to the movement, and universities and professional classes swelled the ranks. The first branch of the Inter- nationale, founded in Genoa in 1872, was frankly anarchical, but it was not until Costa, the earliest socialist leader, became a deputy that the anarchist wing split off under the leadership of Malatesta and Cafiero. Agrarian disturbances rather than industrial have given opportunities for the spread of propaganda: for example, in 1896 and 1897 agricultural crises in the south culminated in the new “Five Days” at Milan. Rioting in

pry nee
. re
%,
x od.

209
which all parties took part assumed a separa- tist character, and, of course, was named on account of its duration and location for the famous insurrection during the Risorgimento. In 1898 again, obstructionism ended with the socialist deputies forcibly taking possession of the voting urns in Montecitorio.
Giolitti, premier in the next administration, conceded the right to strike, provided the right to work was recognized. The socialist party programme developed along lines of constructive social legislation, and, indeed, is largely responsible for an official campaign against illiteracy, and for the establishment of rural banks, the introduction of more up-to- date methods of sanitation, the encourage- ment of codperative societies, and similar forward steps. When Giolitti offered Bisso- lati, then the most powerful socialist deputy, a cabinet position, and when the latter considered accepting, opinion crystallized within the party upon the issue as to how far members might codperate with the Government. Bisso- lati was subsequently expelled for supporting the Libyan war: he took with him thirteen of his colleagues, and with them formed the reformist wing. This section professes to believe in collaborating with other parlia- mentary groups for the good of the nation— in sharp contrast with orthodox socialists who



TAKING THEIR OATH IN THE OLD ROMAN FASHION The picturesque organization of the Fascisti is made up largely of young men who fought in the war, but
its membership is by no means limited to former soldiers.
Older men and many women are also members

210 E. L. MacVeagh
still maintain their traditional policy of class interests exclusively. This split between “collaborationists’’ and “non-collaboration- ists’’ has come to the front again and again in various socialist congresses, or conventions, with victory inclining at one time to one faction and at another to the other.
In April, 1914, at Ancona, the party re- stated its objects in precise form. Included in the economic section were “planks”’ such as the support of free trade, and the revision of taxation so that the “upper classes’”’ should pay in greater proportion. The necessity for exercising complete authority over the country was affirmed; and as a means to this end the founding of more workmen’s clubs for the study of current economic and political problems, the acquisition of control in municipal councils, or minorities, where this was not possible, and the conversion of different labor federations to socialism in spite of their previous political affiliations. At the same conference Benito Mussolini, long connected with the editorial staff of the Avanti, a leading socialist newspaper, came into prominence by offering a bill to compel expulsion from the party of freemasons, on the ground that their allegiance must be
necessarily a divided one. The success which crowned socialist efforts along the indicated lines between 1914 and 1920 helps to explain the genesis of the Fascisti; but the pace be- came faster after the armistice.
The Bologna congress of October, 1910, preluded victory at the polls the following month. Lawlessness and intransigence were the dominant notes in the faction and throughout the country. Turati, who founded the “Critica Sociale” and has been con- spicuous for his ardor and ability through the history of the party, stood alone in oppos- ing the sabotage urged by Bombacci, then vice-secretary of the party. The younger partisans like Graziadei and Terracini, who seconded Bombacci, were as ruthless in destroying established socialist statutes and theories as they would have liked to be in overthrowing the bourgeoisie. The following months were the worst since the war for Italy. Mobs paraded the streets shouting for death to the middle classes; soldiers wear- ing uniform were attacked; the flag was abused, and even nuns out walking with school children were insulted. Two thousand out of eight thousand communes hoisted the red flag, and finally, in September, 1920,


MUSSOLINI REVIEWS THE FASCISTI The premier, wearing a black shirt which has become uniform for the Fascisti, is shown reviewing a gathering of his followers


Italy’s Revolutionary Conservatives






PREMIER MUSSOLINI AND HIS CABINET
The most widely known member of which is General Diaz, shown on Mussolini’s right, who led the Italian army during the war
groups of workmen took over the manage- ment of important factories in northern Italy.
LTHOUGH that incident was no more significant than many which had oc- curred before, it was widely advertised abroad. At the same time it brought to light that in April of the same year, the solid ele- ments of society, the so-called “middle classes”, had initiated certain measures for self-defense. The leaders in this reaction were Sem Benelli, dramatist and author of “The Jest”, which made such a sensation in New York when played there recently, and Mussolini, now ousted from the socialist party because he had championed the war in his own newspaper and fought as a corporal in the Bersaglieri until wounded and dis- charged. They organized “Fasci di com- battimento”—“ groups of fighters’—com- prising in their ranks old soldiers, students, and others whose pride in their country suf- fered by reason of the reputation which unchecked lawlessness was bringing upon it. A national association of “fasci’” was formed and divided into units such as “cohorts” and “legions,” and these again into smaller ones.
War veterans gave the military training and demanded immediate obedience. Terminol-
ogy and forms} of organization are purposely borrowed from the traditions and customs of
ancient Rome. Members wear black shirts on which devices of rank appear, greenish gray trousers, and a kind of forage cap, though they frequently go bareheaded.
Whenever accounts of the raising of red flags reached headquarters, mobilization or- ders were sent to the Fascisti in the town, or, if help were needed, also to surrounding districts; combined patrols pulled down the flag, burned it, and departed as soon as they felt sure there would be no more disturbances. Groups of Fascisti appeared in motor-trucks on the roads in regions where peasants had indulged in violence and pillaging; others burned the meeting halls of “chambers of labor’’ in industrial centres where sedition was spread- ing; they took over schools whose manage- ment had been perverted by red propaganda; they evicted municipal councils from towns which Socialists had contrived to control, but always relinquished the power they had usurped to the regularly constituted authori- ties upon proper reorganization of the com- munity.

212 E. L. MacVeagh
Such arbitrary actions led to reprisals in the form of bomb throwing, murders, and street riots—inevitable consequences of the “eye for an eye, tooth for a tooth’ policy when permitted to inspire two forces, both working illegally, even though one be striving for public security and one against it. On the whole, however, people were content to exchange red terrorism for order enforced by black shirts, and returned Fascisti deputies in the next election. These new represen- tatives of a new point of view stood as a separate entity in the chamber, but fre- quently codperated with the National- ists, the imperialistic party, whose leader is Vice-president Fe- derzoni. Gabriele D’Annunzio, hero or mock hero of the Fiume episode, ac- cording to the point of view, and who is the best known spokesman of nation- alist aims despite his cordiality toward Moscow, at first looked askance at the new party when

ministry; his second received from Mussolini, by this time the undisputed Fascisti chief ultimatums concerning a general election, and even the details of a plan for holding one In fact, there was little difference between Mussolini’s dominance and his recent assump- tion of the external insignia of power. Socialist congresses meanwhile mirrored consternation at the turn of events and at their own waning influence. In January, 1921, at Leghorn, small courtesy was paid advice given and threats made by, a delegate from Mos- cow with the result that Terracini and Graziadei bolted to form the Italian communist party. Waletzki, soviet em- issary at the Milan congress in October, 1921, formally pro- claimed the Italian Socialist Party no longer a member of the Third Interna- tionale; but no one seemed so much wor- ried by excommuni- cation as by D’Ara- gona’s exposé, made on behalf of the Con-


it did not support his “Expedition,” but since then he seems to have forgotten his resentment in satisfaction with the career of such advocates of aggressive Italianization.
The results of a policy of violence justified the Fascisti in yet other quarters where they were regarded with suspicion. They claimed more than half a million adherents in the country; therefore they maintained their actual number in Parliament was not repre- sentative. This attitude of mind quickly produced the conviction, not only among the Fascisti themselves, but also outside their body, that either they should be given the directing voice in the government or new elections should take place in order to permit a more equitable distribution of seats. Such a sentiment lay behind the fall of Facta’s first
form (except their own).
THE FASCISTI AT WORK The “black shirts” are opposed to radicalism in any Bolshevism, Syndicalism, and Socialism, particularly, are anathema to the Fascisti
federation of Labor to the directors of the party, of the con- dition of the masses. Delegates did not concur, however, in the response he received from the committee when they urged the wisdom of waiting until the tide of reaction had spent itself.
The most recent Socialist congress took place in Rome in November, 1922; it indi- cates the full measure of Socialist discord and Fascisti triumph. Out of a former membership of about five hundred thousand, only seventy-three thousand remained on the rolls; this number was further divided into a Bolshevist wing of thirty-two thousand and a collaborationist wing of twenty-nine thou- sand. Various methods of strengthening the party were discussed, but the longer the congress lasted, the more evident it became

Italy’s Revolutionary Conservatives
that a difference of opinion on the old grounds of collaboration, between the veteran Turati, and Serrati, editor of the Avanti, would lead to permanent rupture. Turati, in con- junction with Treves and other notable figures, thereupon founded the Partito Social- ista Unitario. Whether deputies from both factions will make a united group in the Chamber or carry their differences into national politics remains to be seen.
The general strike of August, 1922, -ex- pressed Socialism’s last challenge to Fascism. It was directly occasioned by the Fascisti seizure of Milan, naturally a prosperous city, which reckless socialist politicians had crip- pled by their extravagance, and subsequent communist administrations had red:iced to bankruptcy. Other general strikes had had considerableeffect, particularly in the summer of 1914 and winter of i919, because it is comparatively easy to paralyze the activities of a state which is responsible for the running of railroads, telegraph and telephone lines, and even street cars. This time, however, it was a different story. Fascisti in Milan swept the sidewalks and crossings with brooms twined with tri-color ribbons; beflagged trams kept up a more or less regular service, and trains continued to run. The _ populace circulated about streets decked out as if for a féte, and greeted D’Annunzio with wild enthusiasm when he harangued them from the balcony of the town hall.
Success in breaking this strike elated Mussolini’s followers. They turned out thou- sands strong for the assembly at Udine in September—a kind of dress parade for the official congress at Naples in October, where one hundred and thirty thousand Fascisti, both civilians and soldiers, gathered. Musso- lini opened proceedings with ceremony before a packed house in the San Carlo theatre, and concluded his speech with: “Either they will give us power and control or we will take it! To Rome! To Rome!”
Before the business of the congress was ended Mussolini left for Milan. De Vecchi, who is vice-president of the Fascisti group in the Chamber and a leader in military affairs of the organization, went to Perugia. Rumors of a general Fascisti mobilization in the northern and central provinces began to reach the Government. Friday, October 27th, Facta submitted to the king the resignations of his cabinet, and that same evening announced
213
that General Pugliese would assume military control of the country at noon the next day, taking appropriate measures for the establish- ment of a state of siege.
The king, however, with perhaps a touch of statesmanship above even his usual per- spicacity, refused to sign the order, and called into successive conferences De Nicola (who had throughout the last half year urged finding some way of legalizing Fascisti activi- ties), Tittoni, Orlando, and other prominent men. He asked Salandra to form a new government; but it was obvious that Musso- lini must be a member of any cabinet that could be constructed. Federzoni meanwhile, who had acted as mediator between cabinet, king, and Fascisti, learned that Mussolini would not accept a portfolio in any cabinet of which he himself was not the head and whose members he had not chosen. Victor Emmanuel, having under the circumstances no other choice, summoned the Fascisti chief.
Mussolini reached Rome on the Monday following Facta’s futile proclamation. The entire length of his journey resembled a victor’s progress. Assuring the king of his party’s loyalty, he presented a list of cabinet appointments, which, while showing a ma- jority of Fascisti, included a number of representatives of other parliamentary groups. His programme, roughly outlined, promises the reconstruction of the army, a more aggressive foreign policy, and rigid internal economy.
N ACCOUNT of the Fascisti plan to
change the electoral law so that the party polling the greatest number of votes shall have three-fifths of the total number of seats, Mussolini apparently did not expect a vote of confidence from Parliament; at any rate, he did not ask for one, and it surprised the public when it was promptly given by a two-thirds majority. Nor did the submis- siveness of the Chamber end there. A most unusual bill, conferring full powers on the Government until December 31, 1923, was introduced; a special committee considered it from a national and constitutional standpoint and recommended its adoption; within a few days it became law after meeting with negli- gible opposition. In consequence the new premier is guaranteed a full year of security from political attack in which to bring about

214
the reforms in the bureaucracy and the decentralization of governmental functions to which he has committed himself. He hopes to balance the budget principally by a readjustment of taxation, especially increasing the wine consumption tax, and the curtail- ment of imports which have been greatly in excess of exports.
Fascisti civilians have never come before the public to the same degree as their militant brothers, and it is not generally realized outside of Italy that the crushing of radical labor elements has meant their ultimate conversion to Fascism. The names of eight hundred thousand workers appear as members of the organization, and local committees of Fascisti act as employment agencies while fulfilling their other duties. Mussolini, who absorbed some of their theories while he was connected with militant socialism, himself has defined the party attitude toward the masses as a kind of enlightened syndicalism which does not condone strikes in pub- lic services, but which believes in the col- laboration of all classes for the common good.
The future of the movemeri is of course unpredictable. Lausanne has evoked confi- dent prophecies by elderly diplomats that Mussolini cannot last. The foregoing review, however, points to certain elements in the problem which indicate a somewhat more solid future for an organized party whose roots go so deep into the vital necessities of the time. On the basis both of his antecedents and recent utterances, it is not unlikely that Mussolini may find a modus vivendi with Socialism, at least in some of its most vigorous and practical aspects. As has been seen, the imperialism of the Nationalists coincides with that of the Fascisti and points of difference in their interior programme are not grave. Both parties still speak of the unity of Italy as incomplete; they look toward Fiume and the Dalmatian coast; and if, and when they believe the country strong enough economi- cally, those regions may again become national objectives. A bellicose few of both parties
E. L. MacVeagh
even consider an attack on France for the sake of her colonies.
Another factor which must never be over- looked in dealing with Italian affairs, is of course the Vatican. The last few years have seemed to indicate that the bitterness between the Vatican and the Quirinal was noticeably decreasing, and there seems to be a frequent exchange of views between the Pope’s ad- visors and the headquarters of the Partito Popolare. Its general secretary, Don Sturzo,a priest, and an enigmatic but very real power in domestic politics, is known to favor a “white international,”’ uniting Roman Catholics in all countries. The German centrist party angled throughout the war for their co- religionists south of the Alps; but a rapproche- ment between the two now would not tend to create good feeling in government circles representing veterans of the last war. It is known that in August, 1922, Turati, D’Ara- gona, and Modigliani approached Don Sturzo with a scheme of alliance between their especial branches of the Socialist party and the Partito Popolare; it is not impossible that some integration of forces with the Vatican at its core, may be found in the path of Fascism and its sympathizers. Yet Musso- lini will probably not be willing to become entangled in an open conflict with supporters of the church; the more likely development lies in the direction of continuing a policy of neutrality toward the Pope while repudiating on patriotic grounds any combination made by an Italian party with German or Austrian factions, regardless of religious affiliations.
These things, however, remain in the field of speculation. If Mussolini does not go to extremes in internal social reform, or in his foreign policy, and if he can restrain his turbulent followers and can guide their energies in legal channels, he may accomplish much for his country. In the meantime the results of the first coup d’état in modern Italy suggest widely divergent possibilities which are of international importance, and which are certainly worth the attention of the spectator beyond the frontier.

ADVENTURES IN THE PHILIPPINES
I]
My First Bribe.
The Capture of Colonel Velez.
Wahb, My Pet Bear
By LIEUT.-COL. SYDNEY A. CLOMAN
Colonel Cloman was formerly military governor of a part of the Sulu Archipelago in the
southern Philippines.
This series of articles is the very amusing and adventurous story of bis
sojourn among the Moros of that group of islands —TuHE Epitors.
WAS from the first very anxious to meet
the chiefs of these scattered and unruly
islands, impress upon them that order
was my first law, and by personal contact
try to acquaint myself with their methods of thought and—what was equally important —let them get acquainted with mine. Hence soon after my landing | sent out an order to all chiefs to meet me on a certain date at Bongao, prepared to stay until our business was over. I had quick replies to my ‘“‘invita- tion,” and the head men of the different com- munities, with one exception, arrived on the date given, in great state and with numerous retainers. The one exception was Panglima Djenal of Bilimbing, of whom more later. The Moro is at the best not a handsome person; and I venture to say that in the whole world there was not a more villainous-looking crowd than the one lined up before me on this occasion. Their scaly faces, small, shifty eyes and awful mouths with blackened teeth, quite neutralized their highly colored vestments and beautiful inlaid barongs and krisses. | already had discovered that a Moro chief ex- pected to show his loyalty by kissing the gov- ernor’s hand; but our supply of disinfectants was limited, so coupled with the invitation to the durbar was an intimation that hand-kiss- ing was forever taboo to an American. Fur- thermore, from previous experiences, | was aware that there is no such thing as a present in Asia. No difference under what circum- stances it may be given, its acceptance is simply a notification to the giver that you accept the status of being under obligation to him either to make a like gift to him or to render a decision in his favor when the op- portunity occurs. I certainly did not care to Start my official career with such a handicap, so all chiefs were duly warned that the bring-
ing of a gift to Bongao would be considered an insult by the Americans, and would be sure to get the bearer in wrong. Hence our meeting was unmarred by either moral turpi- tude or physical contact.
To return to Panglima Djenal. When the native messenger returned from Bilim- bing, he told me that the old man was recover- ing from a severe attack of fever, and craved 24 hours delay in reporting. He also told me that Djenal intended bringing with him for presentation to me a kriss that had been in his family for some generations, and that in other ways he expected quite to outshine his rivals. This seemed to me to be nothing but wanton disobedience, and would certainly be a poor example to the other chiefs at our very first meeting. So | said, “Get into your boat, return to Bilimbing at once, and tell Panglima Djenal that if he brings me a present, I cer- tainly shall punish him for discbedience of orders. Tell him how angry 1am.” And the messenger departed.
The event of the second day was the ar- rival of Djenal. He was a rich and powerful man, and when his fleet of fifteen praus with huge square sails of all colors of the rainbow came in before a fair breeze, with gongs beat- ing and men dancing on the decks, it was a sight never to be forgotten. When he landed and came up to where we were in conference, business was suspended until he could ap- proach and be received by me. My chair was somewhat elevated, and as he came for- ward | quickly noted that he was accompanied by two knife bearers, so | knew that after all I had been disobeyed. However, | cordially greeted him and awaited developments.
When | finally intimated that the confer- ence was over for the day, Djenal stepped forward and begged a moment’s delay. He

Lieut.-Col. Sydney A. Cloman

BONGAO—COLONEL CLOMAN’S “CAPITAL” This photograph, taken years after Colonel Cloman had left the place, slows a “‘town”’ far different from the one he
knew.
The church shown here was unknown to him, and when he first arrived the natives were accustomed to seeing
the Spanish garrison shut itself up each night in a block house for safe keeping
then motioned to his extra krissbearer and said, “| wish to present you with a kriss that has been in my family for many generations. My only son was killed some years ago, and | have kept it sacredly for my grandson, who is still but a lad. Later, he will bless you for receiving it.” This was my cue for throwing a fit. 1 was really angry for this double and public disobedience, but | did not forget to rant a bit to make it more marked. During my tirade the old man stood there with raised hand and great dignity, and when at the end | asked him what explanation he had to offer, he impressively replied, “I received your order, and would have cut off my right hand rather than disobey you. But the following night Allah appeared to me in a dream and said, ‘Panglima Djenal, the Americans have come, and their great chief is at Bongao. Take thou the kriss of thy grandson, and lay it at his feet.” The vision then faded away, and | must obey my God, no difference what punishment you may visit upon me. | am no longer concerned; the question is between you and Allah.”
| was stumped. This was interjecting a Mahomedan side-issue that might be of mo- ment, and besides the matter was taking on a totally unwarranted importance so | brought
it to a speedy close. Under these exceptional circumstances, | said that | would accept the knife and closed the conference.
During the night | looked over the kriss carefully, and also had Datto Tanton set a value on it. It hada handle of Borneo ivory with two thin rings of gold and blade inlaid with silver. At current prices at that time, we both valued it at $30 Mex., or $15 gold. The chiefs at that time were very anxious to get American $5 gold pieces to hang on their wrist chains.
So next morning when the final session of the conference was about to end, | called Djenal before me and addressed him as fol- lows; “ Panglima Djenal, last night as I lay in my bed asleep, Allah appeared before me in a great light and said ‘You have with you here, Panglima Djenal, a wise and loyal chief, who will keep his people in order, obey all your commands, and assist you in every way. Be- fore he leaves for his town, you shall present him with three $5 gold pieces.””’ Djenal must have known the value of his kriss for he started back and said, “ Tuan, you are trying to pay me for the knife!” I have been in amateur theatricals myself, so I cast the $15 at his feet and said, “1 have obeyed Allah The question is now between you and Him.”

— SS ee Te OS. Ue ,
Adventures in
As I walked away, | could hear Djenal ex- postulating, while the chiefs of less delicate fibre were advising him to cop the fifteen without delay.
| thought the matter was ended to the mutual satisfaction of Allah, Djenal, and my- self, so after lunch | went into my darkened room for a siesta. | was awakened by some- one kissing my hand, and when | sprang to my feet, somewhat dazed, | found Djenal kneeling at my bedside. Through a crack of the door, | saw Abdallah, the interpreter, peering through and howled at him to enter and find out why any one had dared to sneak in there. | then learned that Djenal could wait no longer, as he had to leave on this tide; that he had to speak to me before he left; that while he was a good Mahomedan and was fairly familiar with those religious precepts, yet he had never been to Mecca; that I was all-wise and would be able to instruct him on any obscure point of the faith, etc. I broke in at this point with the inconsiderate exclamation, “Find out what the idiot is talk- ing about and what he wants.”’ Djenal then concentrated as fol- lows: “I know, Tuan that Allah appeared to you and mentioned the sum of $15. Now would it be a sin if you should increase the amount he named, and bestow upon me, let us say, one more $5 gold piece?”’
Needless to add that | called him a heretic for thus questioning a direct command of Allah, pre- dicted—and in fact might have expressed a wish—that he would go straight to hell, and ended by casting him forth from my cham- ber into outer daylight. But my siesta was ruined.
It was not long before all the natives knew that the Ameri- cans at Bongao, while otherwise fairly sane, would not receive a valuable present, but that a com- mon and worthless offering like a rare plant or animal from the
the Philippines 217
also became the recipient of many gifts, and soon our small gardens were a wonderful sight and our menagerie embarrassingly large and varied. The line of seven cottonwoods in front of my door were natural hitching posts for Jane (our beloved monkey), Wahb (a Borneo bear), two large black apes (also from Borneo), a baby orang-outang, an iguana lizard five feet long, and a huge pop- eyed land crab. Each had a character and interesting life of its own, but the collection was subject to perpetual change. The foot- high land crab was preserved and sent to an American museum; the two apes were so unintelligent that after a year’s care and kind-
PANGLIMA UNGA
jungle seemed to give them a_ This picturesque individual was at one time one of the most influential
headmen of the Sulu Archipelago, but he lost his influence because he was strange pleasure. Our doctor who never quite able to convince the Americans of his sincere loyalty. Asa was tireless in helping the sick, matter of fact he has long been known as a distinctly disloyal fellow

Lieut.-Col. Sydney A. Cloman

A MORO DATTO FROM MINDANAO
Mindanao is inhabited by a variety of peoples, but
the Moros of the island are very similar to their
cousins of the Sulu Islands, which are, of course, within easy reach by boat
ness they did not know us, and on the ap- proach of any one they screamed with rage and terror to the end. Their size and strength were such as to make them a real danger when free, so they were turned loose in the jungle and the soldiers had a two day’s field-exercise in hunting them down. The baby orang died, in spite of the doctor’s care, and we thus lost our greatest prize. Wahb and Jane were with us through it all, and when | was ordered away, my affection for the former was so great that | took him with me. He will be remembered by all travellers in the Islands between 1899 and 1902, and in fact | am afraid | was widely known as the owner of Wahb rather than as a great military genius.
Ten years later | alighted from a train at 3:30 A.M. in the Union Station at Indianapolis. While crossing a track in the glare of a locomo- tive light, | was followed by the fireman who said, “| beg your pardon, but aren’t you the officer who had the pet bear in Zamboanga in 1901°’’ He turned out to be an ex-ser- geant of the 31st Infantry, and needless to say | grounded my luggage and gave him Wahb’s history. And | will do so here.
A Borneo prince with his suite came over

THE “SWEET TONED MORO GONGS
”
Colonel Cloman refers occasionally throughout his series to the Moro gongs, which are universally used in the Sulu Archipelago. This photograph shows an orchestra of them. The series of gongs mounted in the wooden frame is called a Kulingtangan


Adventures in the Philippines


A MORO STORE
With a typical group of Moros lounging about.
Fighting and going to sea in their
swift vinlas and praus seem to be more to the liking of most Moros than trading
to pay his respects to me one Sunday morning late in 1899, and presented me with a black ball consisting mostly of teeth, claws, and deviltry. It was Wahb, less than a week old, but his fierceness was remarkable for such a young animal. The giver was a strangely repellant type of Malay, and his scant popu- larity with me waned to the vanishing point when he cheerfully gave as a reason for the bear’s bad temper that he had given him nothing to drink for three days. After trying several things, I discovered that the poor baby could retain on his stomach a mixture of fresh cocoanut juice and condensed miik, but it was 18 hours before he became normal and could go to sleep. | would not speak further with his brutal captor, and gave him every opening to leave the place at the earliest moment. But instead of that he hung about all morning and took every opportunity to “butt in’ on my business and conversation, while the cries of the little bear rang in my ears all the time.
| tried my cases on Sunday morning, and on this particular Sunday | had a complicated “woman case.” Such cases were always un- welcome and exasperating. Slavery was con- cealed under all sorts of guises, such as rela-
tionship and guardianship, and the worst of it was that the woman herself could not be de- pended upon to tell the truth but was in- clined to choose the easiest way. Even if her position in a household were not a legal one, she could not be allowed to become a derelict, and in the main it was best to leave her with the people who had raised her. But I de- tested going into these shadowy matters, and my cheerfulness and patience usually ebbed quickly in this atmosphere of evasion and lying.
When | called the case on this particular morning, the gaudy and cheeky Borneo sport proceeded to elect himself master of ceremo- nies. | asked him if he was interested in the woman in any way, but he disavowed this. | warned him several times to keep still, but when finally | put the woman on the stand he moved alongside of her and would whisper to her what answers to make to my questions. Time and again | told him not to do this and all the time | was reaching the boiling point. Finally when he impudently disobeyed me again, | for the second time in my life saw blood-red. | do not remember crossing to him. I only remember the delicious joy | had in giving him what is known in prize-ring

Lieut.-Col. Sydney A. Cloman




FHE SULTAN OF SULU With two members of the Philippine Legislature. The Sultan is not the virile ruler that his predecessor was, but since before the time of which Colonel Cloman writes he has been the native head of the Sulu Archipelago, although, of course, his political power disappeared with the entrance of the Americans
circles as a “wallop.” Wahb was at last avenged, although it is not a_ beautiful thought now. The disconsolate suite sup- ported him down to his boat, and I am glad to say | never saw him again.
Wahb then was assigned the end cotton- wood as a local habitation. Next to him, and within easy reach, was Jane, who at once adopted him. She was getting along in years, and this big baby appealed to all her sup- pressed maternal instincts. She would put her tiny arms as far around his comparatively huge body as possible and try to hold him to her breast and make the little cooing sounds of a mother-monkey. Wahb would look at her with utter amazement and the domestic scene usually ended by the bear giving her a re- sounding cuff when the indignant Jane would fly at him and sink her teeth into him in a way that would speedily put him to flight. Later when he grew larger she loved to sit on his back and ride him about, and a more ridicu- lous sight could not be imagined.
The Borneo bear is a small but extremely strong animal, with all the comical bear at-
tributes enhanced to the utmost. His head is too large for his body, his short legs are bowed so that he can pull logs to pieces in search of grubs and honey, and his claws are of abnormal length. When he runs, both of his hind legs go on the outside of his front ones, in the way beloved of our cartoonists. He soon learned to love his daily bath, and throughout his life he followed me or lay at my feet like a dog. When taking a stroll he would dash ahead for fifty yards and then look back to see if | was coming. Should I, in the meantime, step in a doorway and hide, there was a worried bear until he found me. Owing to the good care and food, he grew larger and stronger than his race, and the natives always told me that | would have to kill him just before he was full-grown, as they became very fierce then. | poo-pooed this, but it was true. One day | returned from the jungle, and he met me with the most playful delight, but suddenly, without warning he attacked me. Happily | had a heavy club about the size of a baseball bat, and we had it out in the good old way. | put dents in his horny skull that he never forgot, and he not only thereafter remained a pet but if at any time | should speak sharply to him or stamp my foot, he would at once stand on his head and cover it with his paws. He followed me in all my wanderings in the Philippines, and was the hero of many comical incidents. At Zamboanga in Mindanao there were many Chinese restaurants, and his sensitive nose could locate their pungent odor from afar. He soon learned that the Chinese were afraid of him, and when he would catch a whiff of the chop suey, he would dash wildly ahead, usually with myself yelling in pursuit. His turn into the doorway would be followed by the exodus of the Chinese with their queues flying, and by the time | arrived he would be in a chair finishing their interrupted meal. It was also at Zamboanga that Wahb made the acquaintance of Bessie, the General’s fox terrier. Immediately after breakfast they would start looking for each other, and usually met in my office. Then ensued a fight, Bessie doing all she could to hurt Wahb, but the latter carefully refrained from doing anything but wrestle and occasionally box the dog’s ears. This would go on for twenty minutes with Generals Kobbe, Pershing, Stanton, and all the men from the surrounding offices as spectators, when a truce would be

Adventures in the Philippines
WHAT HAPPENED WHEN GENERAL KOBBE
“| was going up a street in Cagayan The General
TRIED TO FRIGHTEN COLONEL : : when General Kobbe saw the bear, rushing ahead as usual. jumped out in front of him with a loud ‘Boo’.
= je Rie I NH) if i Wi/ }
CLOMAN’S PET BEAR
I heard this followed by a scream of rage,
and when I looked up, Kobbe was flying for his life toward the stone church, closely followed by the infuriated bear”
declared until the following morning. Often the bear would have the dog’s whole head in his mouth, but not once did he ever hurt her; and this while Bessie was fraying his ears in the most heartless way.
Wahb went with me through the campaign in northern Mindanao, and his penchant for dashing ahead of me brought forth a comical incident. I was going up a street in Cagayan leading to the plaza, when General Kobbe saw the bear rushing ahead as usual. It occurred to him that it would be great fun to scare a bear and so he hid behind a hedge and when
Wahb came opposite, he jumped out in front of him with a loud “Boo.”’ | heard this fol- lowed by a scream of rage, and when I looked up, Kobbe was flying for his life toward the stone church, closely followed by the in- furiated bear, every hair on end and sprad- dling along at high speed with his legs mixed up in a way that would have driven Zimmer- man or Goldberg wild with joy. I joined in the chase with loud cries to call him off, but it was only with the greatest reluctance that he gave up the pursuit. When finally I had the chain on him, Kobbe came out of his refuge



222
a little pale around the mouth and greeted me with “ Kid, I'll never try to scare another bear as long as | live!”’
About this time | had an interesting adven- ture which will bear relating. The Comman- der-in-chief of the insurrecto forces against which we were operating was a Colonel Velez, a prominent, educated and much loved citizen of Cagayan. He developed a surprising gen- ius for guerrilla warfare and gave us much trouble. Every expedition sent out against him came to naught, and in one case at least he had given us a very pronounced trimming. Finally, a large force with mountain artillery was sent against his stronghold at Macajam- bus, only to find it abandoned, and once more the discouraged expedition straggled home without result. His whereabouts remained unknown for some time, and we could not do anything but sit about and yearn for his capture. It became a sort of obsession with us, and several times | said at the mess that | had luck in that direction, told of my capture of three Indian murderers in South


A TYPICAL MORO WOMAN
Of the better class. What seems to be a skirt is in reality a pair of voluminous trousers. The plaid is the popular patadiong

Lieut.-Col. Sydney A. Cloman
Dakota, and jokingly gave it as my belief that | would some day catch Velez. As | was Inspector General of the Department and had no command, my joke was rather rubbed in on me by the General and Pershing. Sud- denly a native spy reported that Velez and a small detachment were in the town of Opol, about thirteeen miles away. An expedition of forty mounted men was hastily organized to make a dash for him at daylight the next morning, and Major Case, a fine soldier and an old friend of mine, was designated to com- mand it. Case invited me to join the expedi- tion, and the General finally consented pro- vided | go as a private soldier and attend to my own business. After a hard early morn- ing ride over the jungle trails, we neared the town, formed a half circle in the brush, and received orders at a given signal to make a wild dash for the plaza and stone church, where the insurrectos would be found, if any- where. I was riding a hard-mouthed brute of a horse that had been worrying me all morning, and | was craving to turn him loose and give him enough of it. Finally the signal was given and away we went at top speed. There was no doubt about the success of our surprise party, for men, women, and children scurried from cover, with screams of terror, but alas! the plaza was deserted. Some na- tives were rounded up and pumped by the interpreter, but they said that Velez had never been in the vicinity, and. his band cer- tainly was not in the town now. So the detachment dismounted in the plaza and proceeded to enjoy their rest and sandwiches.
In the meantime, | was not among those present. On reaching the plaza, | found that my horse was beyond control and he passed through it and down a straight sandy road running parallel to the beach and about a half-mile from it. After running for about a mile through the heavy sand he began to think that he might be wrong after all, and by this time we had reached a cross road down which | could see the bay. | turned him into this with the intention of going to the end and returning to the town by way of the beach, thinking that by that time friend horse would be willing to listen to reason. I put in my spurs and we silently clumped along through the deep sand, finally emerging from the underbrush on the beach. He was going full speed and | could not check him until he reached the water’s edge, during which few

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Adventures in the Philippines 223
seconds | realized that | had passed through the middle of a detachment of insurrectos.
| turned him around in time to see the last of them scurrying into the brush, for my sudden appearance could mean to them only the charge of American cavalry. | could have kissed them good-bye. | then found that | had cut off two disreputable looking speci- mens who were near a fisherman’s boat in the shallow water. These | put under my re- volver, and marched them up the beach ahead of me in spite of their voluble pleas that they were but poor fishermen and had nothing whatever to do with the others. In the course of time we entered the plaza and came within sight of our detachment. I was amazed to see our interpreter dash out and clasp one of my disreputable captives to his breast with every indication of joy, finally turning to me with the exclamation, “Do you know whom you have captured? This is Colonel Velez!” The Colonel’s only request was that he be allowed to change his jungle clothes for uni- form before we took him in, and when the exultant detachment started for home our captive was an impressive figure in the white uniform of a Colonel, mounted on a beautiful sorrel pony, with new military equipment. Velez was soon released, gave his intelligent efforts to his country in reconstruction, and in time became a splendid Governor of the province. The only official record of this incident is Case’s report that “The troops under my command succeeded on (such a date) in capturing Colonel Velez,” all of which is commendably unemotional and perfectly true.
Cagayan, while containing a large Ameri- can garrison, was virtually a besieged town. The surrounding jungle was full of guerrillas, and our lines extended out only far enough to take in the wharf, about two miles away, and a few outlying villages. One of these was Gusa, and as there was a good road running to it, this was usually the terminus of the daily afternoon rides of General Kobbe, Pershing, and myself. The President of this village Was a nice man, who also was the owner of a nice house, an ancient piano, and a modern daughter. We would enter his sala for our rest, be heartily welcomed by the Presidente, and soon his daughter would appear in spot- less pina and face covered with rice powder, and hammer the piano for our delectation. One thing about the old father that greatly




¥ Y
c= ae re
AR
A SULU MORO WARRIOR
These men are brave to foolhardiness and their savage spears and barongs, or short swords, are murderous weapons at close range
impressed us was that he would never sit down in the presence of the General. No dif- ference how the latter would protest at this exaggerated courtesy, the old man would reply, ““No, My General, | would be unhappy to sit in your august presence, so please per- mit me to have my way, even though you think me foolish.” Once a spy reported that the guerrilla officers were going to meet in a certain place for a night conference, and a battalion of the 28th Infantry was ordered to try a surprise round-up. It was successful, and when the blood-thirsty crew were brought in, it was found to include our old Presidente. We then discovered why he would have been unhappy sitting in the presence of his general. Some weeks before, he had been shot in the part of the body most concerned, and the unhealed wound was treated by our surgeons, thereby greatly decreasing this abnormal Spanish courtesy. Why he had not filled his house with guerrillas and quietly “done us in”’ during one of our many visits, we could never understand. It might have made quite a

224
difference in the World War seventeen years later.
But to return to Wahb. When after three years | was ordered home, the thought that he and | were to be separated was unbearable. Because of the bubonic plague, the regulations forbade any importation of animals from Asia into America, but | was determined to accomplish it in some way, and | had faith in the backing of Governor-General Taft and General Chaffee, both of whom knew Wahb. So | submitted a request for the importation backed by affidavits from surgeons and others covering his entire life from seven days on, and stating that he had never had a sick day, had bathed daily, and had never harbored a flea in his life. This finally brought forth a permit from the Treasury Department to bring him home, provided | would present him to the National Zoo in Washington. | accepted the condition, leaving the practical details as to when the presentation should take place for future consideration.
The gun-boat Annapolis was about to start
Lieut.-Col. Sydney A. Cloman
for home, so the officers invited Wahb aboarc as an honored passenger, to join me later in San Francisco. Of course he became a great favorite with the jackies, and his life was as usual a most pleasant one. While the gun boat lay in Yokohama Harbor, a boat was sent ashore for sand to scrub decks, and of course Wahb was taken along. He seemed very restless and excited on the way in, and on reaching the beach ran back among the sand dunes and raced about in a curious way, but this was thought to be simply his delight in getting on land again. Finally he lay down. When the sailors had filled their sand-bags and went back to get him, he was cold in death. He was taken aboard and hurried into the sick-bay, but the surgeon’s services were limited to a post mortem. This revealed that just before going ashore he had drunk about a pint of green paint that had been left within his reach, and so poor little Wahb and his impressionistic insides were buried at sea with appropriate ceremonies. | have never had a pet since.
A GROUP OF MORO CHILDREN AT THEIR WATER SPORTS The natives of the Sulu Islands are familiar with the water from their earliest childhood